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THE PEPPERELL CHILDREN. 



Source- Readers in American History — No. 2 

CAMPS AND FIRESIDES OF 
THE REVOLUTION 

SELECTED AND ANNOTATED BY 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART 

Of Harvard University 

WITH THE COLLABORATION OF 

MABEL HILL 
Of the Lowell Normal School 



With Many Illustrations 









!i()NG^F\t'; 






NEW YORK 




THE 


MACMILLAN 


COMPANY 


LONDON : 


MACMILLAN & 


CO., Ltd. 






1902 








jill rights reser-ved 








THE LIBRARY OF 

CONGRESS, 
Two CoHBt Reckiveo, 

OCT. t> t902 

COPVRIQHT ENTRY 

CLASS ^XXa No. 



^ 



COPY B. ' 



Copyright, 1902, 
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



Norwood Press 

J. S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith 

Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 



Preface 



The second volume of Source-Readers is, like the first, wholly 
made up of pieces written at the time of the events and inci- 
dents here described. The language is modernized wherever 
necessary, and many unfamiliar words have been replaced by 
such as are more familiar to children ; the spelling also has 
been brought to the reader's standard, except in a few cases 
where the old form seemed quaint and not Hkely to affect a 
child's habits of writing. Nothing has anywhere been added 
for spice or for the sake of making a good story. From a 
careful reading of these extracts, and of many more for which 
room could not be found, I feel sure that the actual deeds, 
experiences, and life of our ancestors were in themselves so 
interesting, often so romantic, that the records of them need no 
recasting. The pieces are, of course, not all of equal literary 
merit; but I have tried to exclude all writers who did not 
express themselves in good, reasonably straightforward English, 
such as cannot harm the growing style of children. 



ALBERT BUSHNELL HART. 



Cambridge, Massachusetts, 
July, 1901. 



Contents 



PAGE 

Introduction for Teachers ix 

PART I 
Home Life i 

PART II 
Highways and Byways 37 

PART III 
The Indians 71 

PART IV 
The French and the Indian Wars 119 

PART V 
Getting Ready for the Revolution 153 

PART VI 
Revolutionary Firesides 183 

PART VII 
In Camp 229 

PART VIII 
In the Field 257 

vii 



INTRODUCTION FOR TEACHERS 

By Mabel Hill 

This Source Reader is intended to serve a twofold pur- 
pose. The book in the first place is a Reader, answering 
the demands of modern reading-books. Its Hterary flavor, 
its strong phraseology, its wholesome vocabulary, and its 
diversity in style combine to give it a character stamped 
with the hall-mark of good English. 

In the second place, the material is so chosen that the 
volume may be used in correlation with any course in 
historical study which includes the late colonial and revolu- 
tionary periods, and which deals with the subject in an ele- 
mentary manner in the classes of graded grammar schools. 
Moreover, as the sketches, for the most part anecdotal or 
narrative, are the original expressions of chief actors or eye- 
witnesses of the scenes described, the book forms a small 
Hbrary of source material, thereby solving in part the prob- 
lem of how to make possible some use of first-hand material 
in the pubHc schools. 

The time was when to " read through " a reading-book, page 
by page, was the ambition of every teacher for each indi- 
vidual pupil. This is no longer deemed important or wise ; 
the real requirement is that the child shall know how to 
read intelligently, and that his reading shall open his eyes 
toward a larger mental horizon. Each requirement, in a 
measure, involves the other ; the expression depends upon 
the thought and the interest in the thought ; wbife the 
thought itself cannot be properly interpreted without the 



X Introduction 

proper emphasis, clear enunciation, and liquid flow of full 
sentence expressions. Here, in the Source Reader, we 
find a book of such character that the thought may be 
copartner with the work of the history lesson ; and this gives 
it an illumination not otherwise to be commanded. The 
moment the interest is aroused, the act of reading well will 
follow from sheer force of circumstance. This copartner- 
ship with the work along historical lines gives the added 
emphasis of interest to the reading lessons. 

The material in the Source Reader is so chosen that each 
selection has its place in the annals of the colonial and revo- 
lutionary periods. Here we have at hand the desired cor- 
relative material, in its chronological relations. Here are 
stories and sketches, so transliterated from the early orthog- 
raphy and changed from the old-fashioned printing, that it 
is possible for children from ten to twelve years old to read 
the text intelligently. The very grouping of these selec- 
tions is unique, as the titles of each part will indicate upon 
examination. Teachers who are working in the earlier 
grammar grades, where the objective side of history is borne 
in mind, so that a clear mental picture of the time may be 
produced, will find a fresh invoice of delightful literary mate- 
rial in the first two parts. Home Life, and Highways and 
Byways. Take for instance the very first selection, entitled 
" Thrifty Quaker Housekeeping." The charm of Hannah 
Penn's personality pervades the whole letter ; while her 
mention of domestic utensils and household articles gives 
much valuable information regarding the details of living. 

We find herein ample material for pleasant conversa- 
tion concerning old-time house furnishings ; and along with 
Benjamin Franklin's entertaining account of London shop- 
ping ("Presents from London" ), it forms a capital inven- 
tory of articles used by dame and maiden for personal or 
home decorations. No matter how youthful the Httle girl, or 



hitroduction xi 

how dignified the school-teacher, the two will meet on com- 
mon grounds of interest as they read together these rare ac- 
counts of colonial shopping, ever dear to woman's heart. It 
is a pleasure, too, to meet the honored Franklin in a domestic 
moment, when his interest m old china, his appreciation of 
artistic designs, and his admiration for becoming frocks for 
the fair sex give the student a new and perhaps closer in- 
sight into the personal tastes of the great diplomat. The 
teacher will find that the girls, after reading a half-dozen 
such records, will discover a new and wholesome interest 
in the home side of history. 

The book abounds in stories equally adapted to boys, 
tales which set the pulse throbbing, and stir the very depths 
of boy nature. In Parts III and IV, where the relations 
between the Indians and the white men are described, both 
in times of peace and during the wars between France and 
England, the selections seem especially suggestive in their 
correlation with any ordinary text-book of history. Turn to 
Peter Kalm's various narratives of Indian hfe, and not one 
of them will fail to stir the imagination as well as to develop 
the historical sense. John Bertram's sketch of " Indian 
Hospitality" will suggest a scheme for a make-believe In- 
dian hunting ground, which will serve as a pastime for many 
a holiday to come. The pupil who loves adventure will find 
delight in " How Mackinac was Taken and Detroit was 
Saved," where Jonathan Carver tells the story of Pontiac, 
and how the wily chief was outwitted. Over and over again 
the lover of adventure will find tales of wonder in this vol- 
ume to open bright eyes still wider, if the teacher will but 
guide to text and page. 

The chapters are so arranged chronologically, that from 
day to day the Source Reader may supplement the work of 
the history recitation. Not only in the opening selections, 
where we find the characteristics of colonial life accurately 



xii Introduction 

portrayed through narratives setting forth the commercial, 
social, literary, and religious tendencies of the period, but 
as the history of the American colonist grows more tangled 
with national political affairs, the sketches are admirably 
adapted to throw light upon the conditions in this country 
during the " Old French War." Parkman himself has not 
told the story of the brave Wolfe with more thrilling touch 
than is here reproduced from the pen of John Knox, one of 
the party who stormed the Plains of Abraham. 

The sketches taken from personal letters, diaries, journals, 
or documentary accounts have not only their own individ- 
ual charm to catch the appreciation of the child reader, and 
to implant an interest in colonial affairs, but the fact that 
the writings are part of the literary products of the colonial 
period gives them a value in themselves. 

The extreme care with which the author has edited these 
pages, that the story may appear in the modern clothes of 
orthography, punctuation, and type, has not taken away the 
flavor of the original text ; the thought and expression have 
been preserved intact ; and, indeed, few serious changes of 
words and sentences have been found necessary. 

The reading matter grows in interest as we turn the 
pages. Parts V, VI, VII, and VIII are rife with the spirit of 
'76, as their titles suggest : Gettiiig Ready for the Revolution ; 
Revolutionary Incidents; In Camp; In the Field. Each 
terse term quickens the imagination as it suggests what is to 
follow. 

As the class studies the American Revolution, becoming 
more and more enthusiastic with patriotic sympathy, it is 
well that its attention should be called to such a sketch as 
is given by Governor Hutchinson, under the title of ''A 
Furious Mob." To most questions there are two sides to 
consider, and a broader-minded point of view will be held 
by the boy or girl " historian " who knows something of the 



Introduction xiii 

over-patriotic Sons of Liberty. As the battles and sieges 
of the War of Independence are discussed in their turn, this 
vokniie becomes an open commentary with its valuable 
anecdotes^ making real the life of battle-field and camp. 
Thatcher's " Amenities of Camp Life " gives an interesting 
and curious picture of what we may suppose to have been 
the daily life at Valley Forge, in 1779. What a surprise to 
the young reader it will be to find Mrs. Washington sharing 
that winter of hardship with her husband and gallant soldiers ! 
How entertaining to read of the dignified review of the 
revolutionary brigade as it drew up before General Washing- 
ton and the visiting chiefs ! On a later page, a brave story 
is told by Madame Riedesel, as she describes her journey 
with the Hessian army, under the command of her husband. 
The famous Burgoyne surrender is thus made very human, 
by this short sketch of " A German Lady's Campaign." 

The poetry of the volume has literary merit of itself in 
many instances, but its great value lies in the lusty out- 
pourings of warrior, sailor, or patriot whose blood tingles 
with the spirit of the age. It would be well, perhaps, to 
have the class commit the lines of Yankee Doodle to mem- 
ory, that our first American " battle- song " maybe handed 
down with accuracy to the next generation. 

Although the scope of this book permits a variety in kinds 
of writing, as well as in style, the literature is never beyond 
the intellectual grasp of children from ten to fifteen years of 
age. If the sketch be descriptive in character, the clear- 
cut picture is drawn in simple language ; if narrative, the 
story-teller sets forth his tale in plain, forceful words. The 
colonial pen was dipped in the ink of earnest feeling, and 
the simplicity of the Anglo-Saxon vocabulary best fitted 
the trend of the thought of our early American writers. The 
literary expression of David Humphreys, Thomas Hutchin- 
son, Francis Goelet, John Adams, or Timothy Dwight is 



xiv Introduction 

the natural output of a mental activity, marked by peculiarly 
virile language, and imbued with a rare combination of 
imagination and dramatic emotion. 

The inborn capability of children to live in all ages 
through mental vision and imaginary personahty demands 
something more than is offered in most text-books. Through 
these sketches of the Source Reader the opportunity is given 
to visualize the past. It is youth's happy privilege to be 
king or patriot as the story inspires ; moreover, it is the 
teacher's privilege to aid that inspiration. She must inter- 
pret the story in such a manner that a wider knowledge, a 
keener appreciation of the subject, shall follow ; and she will 
appeal to the principles for which the volume was conceived 
and executed. 

As a companion book to historical work the Source 
Reader affords a large field of fresh material ; as a reading- 
book it is rich with extracts from masters of English who 
wrote because the New World had caught them in its spirit 
of venture, enterprise, and freedom. 



CAMPS AND FIRESIDES OF 
THE REVOLUTION 



PART I 

HOME LIFE 



I. Thrifty (Quaker Housekeeping 

By Mistress Hannah Penn (1700) 

Third-day, forenoon. 

I HAVE SO long expected the return of our people 
and barge, that I am now much concerned at the dis- 
appointment. I have sent Sam to Burlington to in- 
quire, and, if he hears not there, to come through to 
thee. There is much to do before my husband's 
return, which will, if well, be this week. If the ser- 
vants had come as intended, I thought to have sent 
Mary down again for things we much wanted. As 
now I cannot send her, I must desire thee to send the 
two pair of pewter candle-sticks, some great candles 
which I bid John bespeak, also some green ones, and a 
dozen pounds smaller ditto. Send the largest pewter 
basin, and buy a new earthen one to wash in, also 
one of the stands to hold it. 

Call Betty Webb to thy assistance. Let her send 
two mops to wash house with, four silver salts, and 
the two-handle porringer that is in my closet, the look- 
ing-glass that is in the hall, if it can be carefully put 



" Third-day " 
wasTuesday: 
the Quakers 
wouldnotuse 
the ordinary 
names of the 
days of the 
week or of 
months, be- 
cause they 
were named 
for heathen 
gods. 



Home Life 



[No. I 



up, and the piece of dried beef. If any ship with 
provisions comes from Rhode Island, I would have 
thee buy a firkin, or two or three, as price and worth 
is, of good butter ; also cheese and candles for the 
winter's store, if any such opportunity presents itself 
before our coming down. 




A COLONIAL KITCHEN. 

We are all, through mercy, well here. My husband 
went to Woodbridge ; he sets out from New York on 
5th day. Nothing else, but my love to thee and 
friends. 

I am thy friend, H. Penn. 

P.S. I believe thou hast been sometimes too lonely; 
thou mayst expect they will fill the house again about 
2d day. If the barge is already come, send the things 
above mentioned first to S.- Jennings. 



No. I] ^luaker Thrift 



The bearer brings Jack word that his wife Parthenia jack and 
is sold to Barbadoes, which makes him desire to re- ^'^''^henia, 

, , 1 1 • slaves of dif- 

turn. 1 am loath to let him go, because our washing ferent mas- 
approaches, but I should be glad to have right in- ^^'^• 
formation as to how long it will be ere she goes ? 

If there were time for it, and I were fully satisfied 
of her honesty, I should be willing to have her up bv 
the boat to help about washing ; but I am in a Httle 
doubt concerning her, having lost more wearing Hnen 
since I was in that town than in all the years of my 
life before. I cannot charge her with it, but I desire 
thou wilt send for Betty Webb, and press her to ex- 
press her inward thoughts about her, and then you 
may act accordingly. Let her (E. Webb) look into 
the store-room for a parcel of clean white curtains, 
and send them carefully ; also a pair of pewter can- 
dle-sticks, old fashion, that came from hence to be 
mended; and a little more oil from Ann Parson's for 
my husband's leg ; it is in a fine way of doing well. 

Pray give Ann my kind love. I should be very glad 
to see her here, to see her boy, who thrives every day 
now. We are all, through mercy, well. Send up about 
ten yards of frieze for servants, of that sort that wants a kind of 
using most, and some four or six blue shirts if there. ^^°*^' 

We want a dozen of Madeira wine, which thou mayst 
send for G. Emlen or some other to help draw it. As 
to the oil John spoke of, we had it there, but did not 
know of it, not having opened the chest in which it was. 

Our love to Edward Singleton: we are glad to hear 
he has got abroad. Our love to thee, and friends. 

Thy friend, H. P. 

P.S. — Let Robert call at Cousin Asheton's for 
things she has of mine, and a paper or two of smallest 
pins. 



Home Life 



[No. 2 



The fashion 
of big, curly 
wigs came 
into England 
about 1670. 
Good old 
Sewall 
thought it 
was wicked, 
and tried to 
prevent his 
neighbors 
from having 
wigs. 



2. A Wig and a Conscience 

By Samuel Sewall (1701) 

Having last night heard that Josiah Willard had 
cut off his hair (a very full head of hair) and put on 
a wig, I went to him this morning. When I told his 
mother what I came about, she called him. Where- 
upon I inquired of him what extreme need had forced 
him to put off his own hair and put on a wig } He 
answered, none at all ; he said that his hair was 
straight, and that it parted behind. 

He seemed to argue that men might as well shave 
their hair off their head, as off their face. I answered 

that boys grew to be men 
before they had hair on 
their faces ; and that half 
of mankind never have 
any beards. I told him 
that God seems to have 
created our hair as a test, 
to see whether we can 
bring our minds to be 
content at what he gives 
us ; or whether we would 
be our own carvers and 
come back to him for 
nothing more. We might 
dislike our skin or nails, 
as he disliked his hair ; 
but in our case no thanks 
are due to us, that we cut 
them not off ; for pain and danger restrain us. Your 
duty, said I, is to teach men self-denial. I told him. 




JOSHUA green's wig, 



No. 3] 



Wigs and Wills 



further, that it would be displeasing and burdensome 
to good men for him to wear a wig ; and they that 
care not what men think of them, care not what God 
thinks of them. 

I told him that he must remember that wigs were 
condemned by a meeting of ministers at Northamp- 
ton. I told him of the solemnity of the covenant 
which he and I had lately entered into, which put 
upon me the duty of discoursing to him. 

He seemed to say that he would leave off his wig 
when his hair was grown again. I spoke to his 
father of it a day or two afterwards and he thanked 
me for reasoning with his son. 

He told me his son had promised to leave off his 
wig when his hair was grown to cover his ears. If 
the father had known of it, he would have forbidden 
him to cut off his hair. His mother heard him talk 
of it ; but was afraid to forbid him, for fear he should 
do it in spite of her, and so be more faulty than if 
she had let him go his own way. 



A Poor Man's Possessions 

By John Seccomb (1730) 

To my dear wife. 

My joy and life, 
I freely now do give her 

My whole estate. 

With all my plate, 
Being just about to leave her. 

My tub of soap, 
A long cart rope, 



This piece 
shows the 
household 
furniture and 
utensils of 
colonial 
times. 
Father 
Abbey was a 
bedmaker 
and sweeper 
at Harvard 



6 



Home Life 



[No. 3 



College for 
many years. 
This is what 
the poet 
thought his 
will might 
have con- 
tained. 



He should 
have said, 
"On which I 
lie." 



A frying pan and kettle, 
An ashes pail, 
A threshing flail, 

An iron wedge and beetle. 

Two painted chairs. 

Nine warden pears, 
A large old dripping platter, 

This bed of hay, 

On which I lay. 
An old saucepan for butter. 

A little mug, 

A two-quart jug, 
A bottle full of brandy, 

A looking glass. 

To see your face, 
You'll find it very handy. 

A musket true 

As ever flew, 
A pound of shot and wallet, 

A leather sash. 

My calabash. 
My powder horn and bullet. 

A greasy hat, 

My old tom-cat, 
A yard and half of linen, 

A woolen fleece, 

A pot of grease. 
In order for your spinning. 

A small tooth comb, 
An ashen broom. 



No. 3] 



Household Utensils 



A candlestick and hatchet, 

A coverlid 

Striped down with red, 
A bag of rags to patch it. 




A POOR MAN'S UTENSILS. 

A ragged mat, 

A tub of fat, 
A book put out by Bunyan, 

Another book 

By Robin Cook, 
A skein or two of spunyarn. 

An old black muff. 
Some garden stuff, 

A quantity of borage, 
Some devil's weed 
And burdock seed, 

To season well your porridge. 



8 Home Life [no. 3 

A chafing dish, 

With one salt fish, 
If I am not mistaken, 

A leg of pork, 

A broken fork, 
And half a flitch of bacon. 

A spinning wheel. 

One peck of meal, 
A knife without a handle, 

A rusty lamp, 

Two quarts of samp. 
And half a tallow candle. 

My pouch and pipes, 

Two oxen tripes. 
An oaken dish well carved. 

My little dog 

And spotted hog. 
With two young pigs just starved. 

This is my store, 

I have no more, 
I heartily do give it. 

My years are spun, 

My days are done. 
And so I think to leave it. 

Thus father Abbey left his spouse, 
As rich as church or college mouse. 
Which is sufficient invitation 
To serve the college in his station. 



No. 4] Putnanis Wolf g 

4. Israel Putnam and the Wolf 

By David Humphreys (about 1740) 

In the year 1739, he removed from Salem to Pom- 
fret, an inland fertile town in Connecticut, forty miles 
east of Hartford. Having here purchased a consid- 
erable tract of land, he applied himself successfully 
to agriculture. 

'The first years on a new farm are not, however, 
exempt from disasters and disappointments, which 
can only be remedied by stubborn and patient indus- 
try. Our farmer was sufficiently occupied in build- 
ing a house ^d barn, felHng woods, making fences, 
sowing grain, planting orchards, and taking care of 
his stock. He had to encounter, in turn, the calami- stock 
ties occasioned by drought in summer, blast in har- ^^^^'^• 
vest, loss of cattle in winter, and the desolation of his 
sheepfold by wolves. In one night he had seventy 
fine sheep and goats killed, besides many lambs and 
kids wounded. This havoc was committed by a she 
wolf, which, with her whelps, had for several years 
infested the vicinity. The young were commonly 
destroyed by the vigilance of the hunters, but the 
old one was too wise to come within reach of gunshot. 
Upon being closely pursued, she would generally fly 
to the western woods, and return the next winter 
with another litter of whelps. 

This wolf at length became such an intolerable 
nuisance that Mr. Putnam entered into a combination 
with five of his neighbors to hunt alternately until 
they could destroy her. Two of the six, taking turns, 
were to be constantly in pursuit. It was known, that, 
having lost the toes from one foot, by a steel trap, 
she made one track shorter than the other. By these 



lO 



Home Life 



[No. 4 



tracks the pursuers recognized, in a light snow, the 
route of this dangerous animal. Having followed her 
to the Connecticut river, and found she had turned 
back in a direct course towards Pomf ret, they imme- 
diately returned. By ten o'clock the next morning 
the bloodhounds had driven her into a den, about 
three miles distant from the house of Mr. Putnam. 




PUTNAM'S WOLF DEN. 

The people soon collected with dogs, guns, straw, 
fire, and sulphur, to attack the common enemy. With 
this apparatus, several unsuccessful efforts were made 
to force her from the den. The hounds came back 
badly wounded, and refused to return. The smoke 
of blazing straw had no effect. Nor did the fumes 
of burnt brimstone, with which the cavern was filled, 
compel her to quit the retirement. 



No. 4] Putnam s Wolf 



1 1 



Wearied with such fruitless attempts (which had 
brought the time to ten o'clock at night), Mr. Putnam 
tried once more to make his dog enter, but in vain. 
He proposed to his negro man to go down into the 
cavern and shoot the wolf : the negro declined the 
hazardous service. Then it was that the master, 
angry at the disappointment, and declaring that he 
was ashamed to have a coward in his family, resolved 
himself to destroy the ferocious beast, lest she should 
escape through some unknown fissure of the rock. 

His neighbors strongly remonstrated against the 
perilous enterprise : but he knew that wild animals 
were frightened by fire, and provided several strips 
of birch bark, the only combustible material which 
he could obtain that would afford light in this deep 
and darksome cave. He prepared for his descent by 
taking off his coat and waistcoat, and fastening a 
long rope around his legs, by which he might be 
pulled back, at an agreed signal. He entered head- 
foremost, with the blazing torch in his hand. 

The opening of the den, on the east side of a very 
high ledge of rocks, is about two feet square. From 
thence it descends obliquely fifteen feet, then run- 
ning horizontally about ten more, it ascends gradually 
sixteen feet towards its termination. The sides of 
this subterranean cavity are composed of smooth and 
solid rocks, which seem to have been divided from 
each other by some former earthquake. The top and 
bottom are also of stone. The entrance, in winter, is 
covered with ice, and exceedingly shppery. In no 
place is the cave high enough for a man to raise him- 
self upright, nor in any part is it more than three feet 
in width. 

After groping his passage to the horizontal part of 



1 2 Home Life [no. 4 

the den, the most terrifying darkness appeared in 
front of the dim circle of Hght afforded by his torch. 
It was silent as the house of death. None but mon- 
sters of the desert had ever before explored this 
solitary mansion of horror. Cautiously proceeding 
onward and coming to the ascent, he slowly mounted 
on his hands and knees, until he discovered the glar- 
ing eyeballs of the wolf, which was sitting at the 
extremity of the cavern. 

Startled at the sight of fire, she gnashed her teeth, 
and gave a sudden growl. As soon as he had made 
the necessary discovery, he kicked the rope as a sig- 
nal for puUing him out. The people at the mouth of 
the den had listened with painful anxiety. Hearing 
the growling of the wolf, and supposing their friend 
to be in the most imminent danger, they drew him 
forth with such celerity that his shirt was stripped 
over his head, and his skin severely lacerated. After 
he had adjusted his clothes, and loaded his gun with 
nine buckshot, holding a torch in one hand and the 
musket in the other, he descended the second time. 
When he drew nearer than before, the wolf assumed 
a still more fierce and terrible appearance. Howling, 
rolling her eyes, snapping her teeth, and dropping 
her head between her legs, she was evidently on the 
point of springing at him. 

At the critical instant he levelled and fired at her 
head. Stunned with the shock, and suffocated with 
the smoke, he immediately found himself drawn out 
of the cave. After he had refreshed himself, and per- 
mitted the smoke to disappear, he went down the 
third time. Once more he came within sight of the 
wolf, which appeared very passive : he appHed the 
torch to her nose, and perceiving that she was dead, 



No. 5] Paper and People 1 3 

he took hold of her ears. Then he kicked the rope 
(still tied round his legs), and the people above, with 
small exultation, dragged them both out together. 



5. All Kinds of Paper 

Some wit of old — such wits of old there were — 
Whose hints show'd meaning, whose allusions care, 
By one brave stroke to mark all human kind, 
Call'd clear blank paper every infant mind ; 
Where still, as opening sense her dictates wrote, 
Fair virtue put a seal, or vice a blot. 

The thought was happy, pertinent, and true ; 
Methinks a genius might the plan pursue. 
I (can you pardon my presumption ?) I — / 

No wit, no genius, yet for once will try. / 

Various the papers various wants produce, 
The wants of fashion, elegance, and use. 
Men are as various ; and if right I scan, 
Each sort of paper represents some man. 

Pray note the fop — half powder and half lace — 
Nice as a band-box were his dweUing-place : 
He's \)i\Q, gilt paper, which apart you store. 
And lock from vulgar hand in the 'scrutoire. 

Mechanics, servants, farmers, and so forth, 
Are copy-paper, of inferior worth ; 
Less prized, more useful, for your desk decreed, 
Free to all pens, and prompt at every need. 



14 Home L,ife [No. 5 

The wretch, whom avarice bids to pinch and spare, 
Starve, cheat, and pilfer, to enrich an heir. 
Is coarse brown paper ; such as pedlars choose 
To wrap up wares, which better men will use. 

Take next the miser's contrast, who destroys 
Health, fame, and fortune, in a round of joys. 
Will any paper match him } Yes, throughout, 
He's a true sinking paper y past all doubt. 

The retail politician's anxious thought 
Deems this side always right, and that stark naught ; 
He foams with censure; with applause he raves — 
A dupe to rumors, and a tool of knaves ; 
He'll want no type his weakness to proclaim. 
While such a thing 2iS foolscap has a name. 

The hasty gentleman, whose blood runs high, 
Who picks a quarrel, if you step awry. 
Who can't a jest, or hint, or look endure: 
What is he .'' What } Touch-paper to be sure. 

What are our poets, take them as they fall. 
Good, bad, rich, poor, much read, not read at all } 
Them and their works in the same class you'll find ; 
They are the mere ivaste-paper of mankind. 

Observe the maiden, innocently sweet. 
She's fair ivhite-paper, an unsullied sheet ; 
On which the happy man, whom fate ordains. 
May write his name, and take her for his pains. 

One instance more, and only one I'll bring ; 
'Tis the great man who scorns a little thing, 



No. 6] 



Poetic Parson 



15 



Whose thoughts, whose deeds, whose maxims are his 

own, 
Form'd on the feehngs of his heart alone : 
True genuine royal-paper is his breast : 
Of all the kinds most precious, purest, best. 



6. Making Fun of the Parson 

By Joseph Green (about 1750) 

In David's Psalms an oversight 

Byles found one morning at his tea, 

Alas ! that he should never write 
A proper psalm to sing at sea. 

Thus ruminating on his seat, 

Ambitious thoughts at length prevail'd. 
The bard determined to complete 

The part wherein the prophet fail'd. 

He sat awhile and stroked his muse, 
Then taking up his tuneful pen, 

Wrote a few stanzas for the use 
Of his seafaring brethren. 

The task perform'd, the bard content, 
Well chosen was each flowing word ; 

On a short voyage himself he went, 
To hear it read and sung on board. 

Most serious Christians do aver, 
(Their credit sure we may rely on,) 

In former times that after prayer, 
They used to sing a song of Zion. 



Mather Byles 
was a witty 
minister in 
Boston who 
loved to write 
verses. One 
of bis friends 
wrote this 
parody on a 
poem of 
Byles. The 
"muse" was 
Byles 's favor- 
ite cat. 



i6 



Home l^ife 



[No. 6 



The parson 
used to read 
a line or two 
at a time, and 
the congre- 
gation fol- 
lowed in 
song. 



Our modern parson having pray'd, 
Unless loud fame our faith beguiles, 

Sat down, took out his book and said, 
" Let's sing a psalm of Mather Byles." 

At first, when he began to read. 

Their heads the assembly downward hung. 
But he with boldness did proceed, 

And thus he read, and thus they sung. 

THE PSALM 

With vast amazement we survey 

The wonders of the deep. 
Where mackerel swim, and porpoise play, 

And crabs and lobsters creep. 

Fish of all kinds inhabit here, 

And throng the dark abode. 
Here haddock, hake, and flounders are, 

And eels, and perch and cod. 

From raging winds and tempests free. 

So smoothly as we pass. 
The shining surface seems to be 

A piece of Bristol glass. 

But when the winds and tempests rise. 

And foaming billows swell. 
The vessel mounts above the skies. 

And lower sinks than hell. 

Our heads the tottering motion feel. 

And quickly we become 
Giddy as new-born calves, and reel 

Like Indians drunk with rum. 



No. 7] Philadelphia 

What praises then are due that we 
Thus far have safely got, 

Amarescoggin tribe to see, 
And tribe of Penobscot. 



17 



Indian tribes 
in Maine. 







mtt: 



A FINE OLD COLONIAL HOUSE (CHEW MANSION). 



7. Social Pleasures in Philadelphia 

By John Adams (1774) 

Dined with Mr. Miers Fisher, a young Quaker 
and a lawyer. We saw his library which is good. 
But this plain Friend and his plain, though pretty 
wife, with her thees and thons, had provided us the 
most costly entertainment : ducks, hams, chickens, 
beef, pig, tarts, creams, custards, jellies, fools, trifles, 
floating islands, beer, porter, punch, wine, and a long 
etc. 

We had a large collection of lawyers at table. We 
had much conversation upon the practice of law in our 



Written by 
John Adams 
while a dele- 
gate from 
Massachu- 
setts to the 
First Conti- 
nental Con- 
gress. 



i8 



Home Life 



[No. 7 



The drinking 
habits of the 
time were 
shocking. 
Total ab- 
stainers from 
intoxicants 
were ahnost 
unknown, 
and liquor 
was served 
even at 
funerals. 



Samuel 
Adams. 



\ 



The lawyer 
who wrote 
the lines was 
a Mr, Peters. 



different provinces, but at last we got swallowed up 
in politics. 

Thursday. — Dined at Mr. Powell's with many oth- 
ers. A most sinful feast again ! Everything which 
could delight the eye or allure the taste : curds and 
cream jelhes, sweetmeats of various sorts, twenty sorts 
of tarts, fools, trifles, floating islands, whipped sylla- 
bubs, etc., etc., Parmesan cheese, punch, wine, porter, 
beer, etc. At evening we cHmbed up the steeple of 
Christ Church with Mr. Reed, from whence we had a 
clear and full view of the whole city and of Delaware 
River. 

Saturday. — Dined at home. Several other gentle- 
men dined with us upon salt fish. Rambled in the 
evening with Mr. Joe Reed. Mr. Reed returned with 
Mr. Adams and me to our lodgings, and a very socia- 
ble, agreeable, and talkative evening we had. 

Sunday. — Dined at Mr. Willing's, who is a judge 
of the supreme court here, with the gentlemen from 
Virginia, Maryland, and New York. A most splen- 
did feast again — turtle and everything else. 

Mr. Willing told us a story of a lawyer here who, the 
other day, gave him the following answer to the ques- 
tion. Why the lawyers were so increased in number t 

" You ask me why lawyers so much are increased, 
Tho' most of the country ah-eady are fleeced ; 
The reason, I'm sure, is most strikingly plain ; — 
Tho' sheep are oft sheared, yet the wool grows again ; 
And tho' you may think e'er so odd of the matter. 
The oftener they're fleeced, the wool grows the better. 
Thus downy-chinned boys, as oft I have heard, 
By frequently shaving, obtain a large beard." 

Mr. Willing is the most sociable, agreeable man of 
all. He told us a law of this place, that whereas oys- 



No. 8] Virginia Gayety i g 

ters, between the months of May and September, were 
found to be unwholesome food, if any were brought 
to market, they should be forfeited and given to the 
poor. 

We drank coffee, and then Reed, Gushing, and I 
strolled to the Moravian evening lecture, where we 
heard soft, sweet music, and a Dutchified English 
prayer and preachment. 

Monday. — Dined with Mr. Dickinson at his seat John Dickin 
at Fair Hill. Mr. Dickinson has a fine place, a beau- J°"„^.„7'' 
tif ul prospect of the city, the river, and the country, member of 
fine gardens, and a grand library. Mr. Dickinson is 
a very modest man and very talented, as well as agree- grass 
able. He has an excellent heart, and the cause of his 
country lies near it. 



the Conti- 
nental Con- 



8. A Virginia Ball and Virginia 
Belles 

By Philip Fithian (1774) 

Tuesday, January 18. — Mrs. Carter and the young 
ladies came home last night from the ball, and brought 
with them Mrs. Lane. They tell us there were up- 
wards of seventy at the ball ; forty-one ladies ; that 
the company was genteel ; and that Colonel Harry 
Lee, from Dumfries, and his son Harry, who was with 
me at college, were also there. 

Mrs. Carter made this an argument, and if was a 
strong one indeed, that to-day I must dress and go 
with her to the ball. She added also that she desired 
my company in the evening when she should come 



2 o Home T-^ife [no. s 

home, as it would be late. After considering a while 
I consented to go, and was dressed. 

We set away from Mr. Carters at two. Mrs. Carter 
and the young ladies went in the chariot, Mrs. Lane 
in a chair, and myself on horseback. 

As soon as I had handed the ladies out, I was 
saluted by Parson Smith. I was introduced into a 
small room where a number of gentlemen were play- 
ing cards (the first game I have seen since I left 
home) to lay off my boots, riding-coat, &c. Next I 
was directed into the dining-room to see young Mr. 
Lee. He introduced me to his father. 

With them I conversed till dinner, which came in 
at half after four. The ladies dined first, when some 
good order was preserved. When they rose, each 
nimblest fellow dined first. The dinner was as ele- 
gant as could be well expected when so great an as- 
sembly were to be kept for so long a time. For drink, 
there were several sorts of wine, good lemon punch, 
toddy, cider, porter, &c. 

About seven, the ladies and gentlemen began to 
dance in the ball-room, — first, minuets, one round ; 
second, jigs; third, reels; and last of all, country- 
dances. They struck up marches occasionally. The 
music was a French-horn and two violins. 

The ladies were dressed gay and splendid, and 
when dancing, their silks and brocades rustled and 
trailed behind them. But all did not join in the 
dance, for there were parties made up in rooms, some 
at cards, some drinking for pleasure, some toasting 
the sons of America, some singing '^ Liberty Songs " 
as they called them, in which six, eight, ten, or more 
would put their heads near together and roar. 

Among the first of these vociferators was a young 




THE CUSTIS CHILDREN. 



2 2 Home L,ife [No. s 

Scotchman, Mr. Jack Cunningham. He was noisy, 
droll, waggish, yet civil in his way, and wholly inoffen- 
sive. I was solicited to dance by several. Captain 
Chelton, Colonel Lee, Harry Lee, and others. But 
George Lee, with great rudeness, as though half- 
drunk, asked me why I would come to the ball and 
neither dance nor play cards .'' I answered him 
shortly (for his impudence moved my resentment), 
that my invitation to the ball would justify my pres- 
ence. I said that he was ill qualified to direct my 
behaviour who made so indifferent a figure himself. 
Parson Smith's and Parson Gibbern's wives danced, 
but I saw neither of the clergymen either dance or 
game. 

At eleven Mrs. Carter call'd upon me to go. 
I listened with gladness to the summons, and with 
Mrs. Lane in the chariot, we rode home. The even- 
ing was sharp and cold. I handed the ladies out, 
waited on them to a warm fire, then ran over to my 
own room, which was warm and had a good fire. Oh 
how welcome ! Better this than to be at the ball, in 
some corner nodding, and awakened now and then by 
a midnight yell ! In my room by half after twelve, 
and exceeding happy that I could break away with- 
out rudeness. 

Saturday, Jaiuiary 29. — The weather is as wintry 
here in every respect as I have ever known it in New- 
Jersey. Mr. Carter has a cart and three yoke of 
oxen which every day bring in four loads of wood, 
Sundays excepted, and yet these very severe days we 
have none to spare. And indeed I do not wonder, for 
in the great house, schoolhouse, kitchen, &c., there 
are twenty-eight steady fires, and most of these are 
very large ! 



No. 8] Virginia Gayety 23 

TJmrsday, MarcJi I. — After breakfast, Mr. Lane 
left us. He was dressed in black superfine broadcloth, 
gold-laced hat, laced ruffles, black silk stockings. To 
his brooch on his bosom, he wore a major's badge in- 
scribed, '* Virttite and Silento " cut in a golden medal. "By Upright 
Certainly he was fine ! "^^^ ^"^ 

. . Quiet." 

Friday, June 2/^. — To-day Mr. Christian's dance 
takes place here. He came before breakfast. Miss 
Jenny Washington came also, and Miss Priscilla Hale 
while we were at breakfast. Miss Washington is 
about seventeen. She has not a handsome face, but 
is neat in her dress, of an agreeable size, well propor- 
tioned, and has an easy winning manner. She is not 
forward to begin a conversation, yet when spoken to 
she is extremely affable, without assuming any girlish 
affectation, or pretending to be overcharged with wit. 
She has but lately had an opportunity for instruction 
in dancing, yet she moves with propriety when she 
dances a minuet, and without any flirts or capers 
when she dances a reel or country-dance. 

She plays well on the harpsichord and spinet. She 
understands the principles of music, and therefore 
performs her tunes in perfect time. Neglect of this 
always makes music intolerable, but it is a fault al- 
most universal among young ladies in the practice. 
She sings likewise to her instrument, has a strong, 
full voice, and a well-judging ear. Most of the Vir- 
ginia girls think it labor quite sufficient to thump the 
keys of a harpsichord into the air of a tune mechani- 
cally. They think it would be slavery to submit to 
the drudgery of acquiring vocal music. 

Her dress is rich and well-chosen, but not tawdry, 
nor yet too plain. She appears to-day in a chintz 
cotton gown with an elegant blue stamp, a sky-blue 



2 4 Home Life [no. s 

silk quilt, and spotted, figured apron. Her hair is a 
light brown, it was craped up, with two rolls at each 
side, and on the top was a small cap of beautiful gauze 
and rich lace, with an artificial flower interwoven. 
Her person and carriage at a small distance resemble 
Fithian after- not a little my much respected Laura. But on close 
ward married examination her features are something mascuHne, 
while those of Laura are mild and delicate, 

Mr. Christian very politely requested me to open 
the dance by stepping a minuet with this amiable girl. 
I excused myself by assuring him that I never was 
taught to dance. Miss Hale is about fourteen, and is 
a slim, and silent girl. She has black eyes, and black 
hair, and a good set of eyebrows, which are esteemed 
in Virginia essential to beauty. She looks innocent 
of every human failing, does not speak five words in 
a week, and I dare say from her carriage that her 
modesty is perfect. She is dressed in a white Hol- 
land gown, cotton, quilted very fine, a lawn apron, has 
her hair craped up, and on it a small tuft of ribbon for 
a cap. She is but just initiated into the school, and 
only hobbles yet. 

Once I saw her standing. I rose immediately and 
begged her to accept my chair. She answered most 
kindly, " Sir, I thank you." That was all I could ex- 
tract from this wonder of the sex for the two days she 
staid, and I seemed to have an equal share in the fa- 
vors of her conversation. So that in describing the 
mental faculties of Miss Hale, it is sufficient to say 
that I think she is far removed from most of the foi- 
bles of women. Some time after these, came Colonel 
Lee's chariot with five young misses. 

These five, with Miss Washington and Miss Hale 
and Miss Nancy Carter and Bob are Mr. Christian's 



No. 8] 



Virginia Gayety 



25 



scholars in this school, except Miss Turburville who 
is just now up the country with an uncle, where she 
is to stay some time, together with Miss Corbin. 
Miss Betsy Lee is about thirteen, a tall, sUm, genteel 



,_: -^^-^v ^f 




JANE BONNER. 



girl. > She is very far from Miss Hale's taciturnity, yet 
is by no means disagreeably forward. She dances ex- 
tremely well, and is just beginning to play the spinet. 
She is dressed in a neat caHco gown, has very light 
hair done up with a feather, and her whole carriage is 



2 6 Home L,ife [N0.9 

easy and graceful. The other Miss Lees are small. 
Towards evening came in George Lee, and Mr. Grubb, 
an English gentleman. The company danced after 
candle-light a minuet round, three country-dances, and 
several reels, when we were rung to supper. After 
supper we sat till twelve drinking loyal toasts. 

Sunday, July lO. — A Sunday in Virginia doesn't 
seem to wear the same dress as our Sundays to the 
northward. Generally here, by five o'clock on Satur- 
day every face (especially among the negroes) looks 
festive and cheerful. All the lower class of people, 
and the servants, and the slaves, consider it as a day 
of pleasure and amusement, and spend it in such di- 
versions as they severally choose. The gentlemen go 
to church to be sure, but they make that itself a mat- 
ter of convenience, and account the church a useful 
weekly resort to do business. 



9. Young Yankees A-frolicking 

By Thomas Anbury (1777) 

capta[n'inthe '^^^ wcathcr has been very severe of late, and 
British army, there havc been great falls of snow. But now it is 
was taken niorc pleasant and serene. The north winds blow 

prisoner with ^ . •. r 1 • i 

Burgoyne's vcry sharp ; the snow is about two or three feet thick 

army, and his ^^ ^j^g grouud. The inhabitants instead of riding in 

New England Small opcu Carriages, like the Canadians, have large 

was gained slcighs that will Contain ten or twelve persons. These 

ingMassa-' ^^^ drawn by two and sometimes four horses. 

chusetts and But parties of young folks are more accustomed to 

while a pus- a-frohcking. As this is a singular custom, I shall 

oner m Cam- " '^ ^ 

bridge. describe it to you. When the moon is favorable, a 



No. 9] Yankee Frolics 27 

number of young men and women, to the number of 
thirty or forty, set off in sleighs, about seven o'clock 
in the evening. 

They join some other party, perhaps at the distance 
of eighteen or twenty miles, where they dance and 
make merry till dayhght. Then they return and fol- 
low their common daily affairs as if they had rested 
all night. It is not uncommon, an hour or two after 
daylight, to be awakened by the singing and noise 
they make, and by the bells fastened to the horses, on 
the return of some of these parties. 

The lower classes of the New Englanders are im- 
pertinently curious and inquisitive. At a house where 
Lord Napier was quartered, with other officers, a 
number of the inhabitants flocked to see a lord. 
They imagined he must be something more than man. 

They were continually looking in at the windows, 
and peeping at the room door, saying, " I wonder 
which is the lord ! " At last four women, intimate 
friends of the landlord, got into the room. One of 
them, with a twang peculiar to the New Englanders, 
said : " I hear you have got a lord among you. Pray 
now, which may he be .'^ " 

His lordship, by the bye, was all over mire, and 
scarcely dry from the heavy rain that had fallen 
during the day's march. He whispered your friend 
Kemmis, of the 9th regiment, to have a little mirth 
with them. 

He accordingly got up, and pointed to his lordship. 
In a voice and manner as if he was herald at arms, 
he informed them that "that was the Right Honor- 
able Francis Lord Napier of, etc., etc., etc.," going 
through all his lordship's titles, with a whole cata- 
losfue of additions. 



2 8 Home L>ife [no. io 

After he had finished, the women looked very atten- 
tively at his lordship. While he and the other offi- 
cers were laughing at the adroitness of Kemmis, the 
women got up. One of them, lifting up her hands 
and eyes to heaven, with great astonishment ex- 
claimed : " Well, for my part, if that be a lord, I 
never desire to see any other lord but the Lord Jeho- 
vah," and instantly left the room. 



IO. A Fire in Charleston 

By Elkanah Watson (1778) 

I AGAIN crossed Cooper's river to the plantation of 
a Mr. Townsend, where we had left our horses. I 
here examined an orchard of eleven hundred orange 
trees, in full bearing. The fruit proved rather bitter 
to the taste, but exceedingly beautiful. In December 
one of Mr. Brown's brigs was burnt in sight of the 
town. Several of his ships had, however, arrived. 

In the intervals of business I mingled, with delight, 
in the elegant and gay society of this refined city. 
My prospects were brilliant and auspicious, when a 
deep public and private calamity cast a dark pall over 
the whole. I had passed the evening of the 1 5th of 
January, ''j^, with a brilliant party, at the splendid 
mansion of a wealthy merchant of the city. In two 
hours after we had left the scene of elegant refine- 
ment, the stately edifice, the rich furniture, and all its 
gorgeous appliances were wrapt in flames. 

In the midhours of a cold and tempestuous night, 
I was aroused by the cry of fire, and by a loud knock- 
ing at the door, with the appalling intelligence — 



No. lo] Charleston Fire 2 g 

*'The town's in flames." I pressed forward to the 
scene of one of the most terrific conflagrations that 
probably ever visited Charleston. The destruction 
was frightful. The fire raged with unmitigated fury 
for seventeen hours. Every vessel, shallop, and 
negro boat was crowded with the distressed inhabit- 
ants. Many who, a few hours before, retired to their 
beds wealthy, were now reduced, by the all-devouring 
element, to poverty. 

After laboring at the fire for many hours, I returned 
to my quarters to obtain a brief rest. I had scarcely 
seated myself before a man rushed in, exclaiming — 
*' Your roof is on fire ! " The mass of the conflagra- 
tion was yet afar off, but it rained fire, as it were. 
When we had extinguished the flame on the roof, I 
thought it time to remove my trunk, containing funds 
to a large amount. Not being able to procure assist- 
ance, I was forced to shoulder it myself. Staggering 
under my load (a burden which, in ordinary times, I 
could scarcely have lifted), I proceeded along Main- 
street. 

The fire had extended far and wide, and was bear- 
ing down, in awful majesty, a sea of flame. Almost 
the whole of this spacious street exhibited, on one 
side, a continuous and glaring blaze. My heart sick- 
ened at beholding half-dressed matrons, delicate young 
ladies and children, wandering about unprotected, and 
in despair. 

I soon found myself prostrated on the ground, 
alongside of my trunk, by the explosion of a large 
building. Fortunately quite uninjured, I hastened 
on until I reached an elegant house in the suburbs of 
the city. Without hesitation I entered it, and, seeing 
no one, went into a splendid parlor, put my trunk in 



3 o Home Life [no. io 

a closet, locked the door, and put the key in my 
pocket. 

Early the next morning- I went in pursuit of my 
trunk. I everywhere saw heart-rending spectacles 
amid the smoking ruins, and the constant falling of 
walls and chimneys. I reached the house where I 
had left my trunk, which I then first discovered was 
the residence of Governor Rutledge. A young gen- 
tleman answered my knock, of whom I requested my 
trunk. He eyed me with attention. Casting a sus- 
picious glance upon my person and clothes, he re- 
plied, that not knowing me, he could not deliver it. 
My face and hand had been injured, and my clothes 
torn in the confusion of the fire. I was mortified, but 
conscious that my appearance justified his suspicion. 

I forthwith proceeded to a friend, borrowed a clean 
shirt and decent clothes (my own being locked up in 
the Governor's parlor) got shaved and powdered, and 
again proceeded after my trunk. I knocked with 
confidence, was politely received by the same young 
gentleman, who evidently did not recall my features. 
I was ushered into the presence of the Governor. 

I stated to him where I had placed my trunk, and 
was apologizing for the liberty, when he interrupted 
me, remarking that the fearful crisis justified me. 
He continued — "Sit down, sir — will you take a 
glass of wine } My secretary informed me that a 
person called for the trunk an hour or two ago, but 
not liking his appearance he had decHned delivering 
it." The Governor was much amused at understand- 
ing that I was the person who had called. I record 
this incident to show the importance of outward ap- 
pearance to a man's success in the world, and more 
particularly, among strangers. 




OLDTIME CHILDREN. 



32 



Home Life 



[No. II 



This piece is 
supposed to 
have been 
written by 
Benjamin 
FrankUn. 



The belief in 
witchcraft 
was a terrible 
delusion, 
often leading 
to such 
shameful acts 
as are de- 
scribed. 
Sometimes 
witches were 
hung on evi- 
dence which 
now would 
carry no 
weight. 



II. A Witchcraft Trial 

(1730) 

Bit7dington, Oct. 12. — Saturday last at Mount- 
Holly, about eight miles from this place, nearly three 
hundred people were gathered together to see an ex- 
periment or two tried on some persons accused of 
witchcraft. It seems the accused had been charged 
with making their neighbor's" sheep dance in an un- 
common manner, and with causing hogs to speak, 
and sing psalms, &c. to the great terror and amaze- 
ment of the king's good and peaceable subjects in 
this province. 

The accusers were very positive that if the accused 
were weighed in scales against a Bible, the Bible 
would prove too heavy for them ; or that, if they were 
bound and put into the river, they would swim. The 
said accused, desirous to make their innocence appear, 
voluntarily offered to undergo the said trials, if two 
of the most violent of their accusers would be tried 
with them. Accordingly the time and place were 
agreed on, and advertised about the country. 

The accusers were one man and one woman, and 
the accused the same. When the parties met, and 
the people got together, a grand consultation was 
held, before they proceeded to trial. In this it was 
agreed to use the scales first ; and a committee of 
men were appointed to search the men, and a com- 
mittee of women to search the women, to see if they 
had anything of weight about them, particularly pins. 

After the scrutiny was over, a huge great Bible 
belonging to the justice of the place was provided, 
and a lane through the populace was made from the 



No. II] • Witcfm Trial 



33 



justice's house to the scales. These were fixed on a 
gallows erected for that purpose opposite to the house, 
that the justice's wife and the rest of the ladies might 
see the trial without coming amongst the mob. 

Then came out of the house a grave tall man carry- 
ing the Holy Writ before the supposed wizard, &c. 
(as solemnly as the sword-bearer of London before 
the Lord Mayor). The wizard was first put in the 
scale, and over him was read a chapter out of the 
books of Moses, and then the Bible was put in 
the other scale (which being kept down before), was 
immediately let go. To the great surprise of the 
spectators, flesh and bones came down plump, and 
outweighed that great good book by abundance. 

After the same manner the others were served, and 
their lumps of mortahty severally were too heavy for 
Moses and all the prophets and apostles. This being 
over, the accusers and the rest of the mob, not satis- 
fied with this experiment, would have the trial by 
water. Accordingly a most solemn procession was 
made to the millpond ; where both accused and ac- 
cusers were bound hand and foot, and severally placed 
in the water, lengthways, from the side of a barge or 
flat. They had for security only a rope about the 
middle of each, which was held by some in the flat. 

The accuser man being thin and spare, with some 
difficulty began to sink at last ; but the rest, every 
one of them, swam very light upon the water. A 
sailor in the flat jumped out upon the back of the 
man accused, thinking to drive him down to the bot- 
tom ; but the person bound, without any help, came 
up some time before the other. 

The woman accuser, being told that she did not sink, 
wished to be ducked a second time ; when she swam 



34 Home Life [no. 12 

again as light as before. Upon this she declared, 
that she believed the accused had bewitched her to 
make her so light, and that she would be ducked 
again a hundred times until the devil were ducked out 
of her. 

The accused man, being surprised at his own swim- 
ming, was not so confident of his innocence as before, 
but said, " If I am a witch, it is more than I know." 
The more thinking part of the spectators were of 
opinion, that any person so bound and placed in the 
water (unless they were mere skin and bones) would 
swim till their breath was gone, and their lungs filled 
with water. 



12. Negro Servants and Slaves 

By Peter Kalm (1748) 

This piece is The ncgrocs or blacks are in a manner slaves ; for 
perhaps not ^hg^ a nes^ro is once bought, he is the purchaser's 

so interesting *^ it 1 • • 

to read as scrvaut as loug as he lives, unless he is given to 

some of the another or made free. However, it is not in the 

tracts r'but power of the master to kill his negro for a fault, but 

you ought to he must leave it to the magistrates to proceed accord- 

our fore^^ iug to the laws. Formerly the negroes were brought 

fathers kept ovcr from Africa, and bought by almost every one 

slaves, and ^^j^^ could afford it. The Quakers alone scrupled to 

often treated ^ ^ 

them very havc slavcs ; but they are no longer so nice, and they 
cruelly. havc as many negroes as other people. However, 
slavery is many people cauuot conquer the idea that it is con- 
contrary to trary to the laws of Christianity to keep slaves. 



There are likewise several free negroes in town, 



Christianity 
and to popu- 
lar govern- who have been lucky enough to get a very zealous 

ment. Quaker for their master, who gave them their liberty 



No. 12] Negro Slaves • 3 ^ 

after they had faithfully served him for some time. 
At present they seldom bring over any negroes to 
the English colonies, for those who were formerly 
brought thither have multiplied considerably. 

A man who kills his negro must suffer death for it : 
there is not however an example here of a white 
man's having been executed on this account. A few 
years ago it happened that a master killed his slave ; 
his friends and even the magistrates secretly advised 
him to leave the country, as otherwise they could not 
avoid taking him prisoner. He would then be con- 
demned to die according to the laws of the country, 
without any hopes of saving him. 

This lenity was employed towards him, that the 
negroes might not have the satisfaction of seeing a 
master executed for killing his slave ; for this would 
lead them to all sorts of dangerous designs against 
their masters, and to value themselves too much. 

The negroes were formerly brought from Africa, 
as I mentioned before ; but now this seldom happens, 
for they are bought in the West Indies, or American 
Islands, where they were originally brought from 
their own country. It has. been found that on trans- 
porting the negroes from Africa immediately into 
these northern countries, they have not such a good 
state of health as when they gradually change places, 
and are first carried from Africa to the West Indies, 
and from there to North America. 

The price of negroes differs according to their age, 
health, and abilities. A full-grown negro costs from 
forty pounds and upwards to a hundred of Pennsyl- ^200. 
vania currency. .A negro boy, or girl, of two or three 
years old, can hardly be got for less than eight or 
fourteen pounds in Pennsylvania currency. ^4010^70. 



3 6 • Home Life [no. 12 

Nor only the Quakers, but likewise several Chris- 
tians of other denominations, sometimes set their 
negroes at liberty, in the following manner : when a 
gentleman has a faithful negro who has done him 
great services, he sometimes declares him free at his 
death. This is however very expensive ; for they are 
obliged to make a provision for the negro thus set at 
liberty, to afford him subsistence when he is grown 
old, that he may not be driven by necessity to wicked 
actions, or be at any body's charge ; for these free 
negroes become very lazy and indolent afterwards. 

The children of the free negro during his ser- 
vitude are all slaves, though their father be free. On 
the other hand those negro children are free whose 
parents are at liberty. The negroes in the North 
American colonies are treated more mildly, and fed 
better than those in the West Indies. They have as 
good food as the rest of the servants. They possess 
equal advantages in all things, except their being 
obliged to serve their whole lifetime, and get no 
other wages than what their master's goodness al- 
lows them : they are likewise clad at their master's 
expense. 

On the contrary, in the West Indies, and especially 
in the Spanish Islands, they are treated very cruelly ; 
therefore no threats make more impression upon a 
negro here than that of sending him over to the West 
Indies, in case he would not reform. It has likewise 
been frequently found by experience, that when you 
show too much remissness to these negroes, they 
grow so obstinate, that they will no longer do any 
thing but of their own accord. A strict discipline 
is very necessary, if their masters expect to be satis- 
fied with their services. 



PART II 
HIGHWAYS AND BYWAYS 



13. A Merchant's Voyage and 
Cargo 

By Giles Shelley (1699) 

I AM just now come to anchor at Cape May. Since a letter 

I left you at Cape Bon-Esperance I went from thence ^hr-J^^^tain 

to Madagascar, where I sold your goods for seventeen to his 

bales of muslin, fine and coarse, and twenty-four bales owners a 

) 1 snort time 

of white calicoes ; one ton of elephants teeth ; about before 
two or three hundred weight of opium ; one bale reaching 

. sr y New York 

painted calicoes, &c. Which goods I have now on it shows how 
board. far ships 

Sometime afterward I took on board seventy-five ^^^^^ ^^y " 
passengers, went to Port Dolphin, and there went and what 
ashore. I provisioned the ship and bought a few j^Jf^g^^^"^'^^ 
negroes, and some pigs of tooth and egg. "Tooth and 

From thence I went to Cyan and landed twenty- Egg": a kind 
two passengers. The remainder are now on board ° "^^^a. 
and most of them are bound for Virginia and Dela- 
ware with Andrew Graverard who is here with us. 
I have for their passages about twelve thousand Pieces of 
pieces of eight and about three thousand Lyon l^^^^\ 'f\^^ 

K ,, ^ ^ Spanish dol- 

dollars. ^ lar. 

37 



3 8 Highways and Byways [No. 13 

My carpenter, the tailor, and one man more are 
dead. Thomas Pringle and three men more left me 
at Madagascar. If you think fit you may let my 
wife know of my arrival, for I have not written to 
her. 



'^^^^atC^X. (^lS^r-r^£it,^lJ 




A MERCHANT SHIP. 



Captain Burges arrived at St. Maries the day I 

sailed from thence. He hath sold his goods very 

well. No other vessel arrived while I was there. I 

Slaves. have but twenty -three negroes on board for the benefit 

of the owners. 

Each bale of musHn one with the other I bought 
for one hundred pieces in a bale ; the calico for one 
hundred twenty pieces in a bale. I desire you to 
send by the bearer to me at Cape May. Unless I 



No. 14] Fashions 3 g 

should be stopped by contrary winds here, I shall be 
very soon at Sandy Hook. Our ship is very foul and 
leaky. 

Make what dispatch you can for fear some of 
my passengers should betray us. I have hired Mr. 
Graverard on his voyage to Virginia to pilot us in 
here, for which I must pay him. It is a dangerous 
place and very foggy rainy weather. 

I think it needless to enlarge any more at present, 
but wish all were safe ashore. Then doubt not but 
the voyage would prove satisfactory, which hath been 
the utmost care of 

Sir, Your Humble Servant, 

Giles Shelley. 



14. The Fashions 

By Joseph T. Buckingham (1731) 

A man's criticism 
I HAVE no objections to make to the tippet ; it may These ex- 



tracts are 

taken from a 



be made an elegant and beautiful ornament. In 
winter the sable is wonderfully graceful and a fine newspaper Jf 
help to the complexion. In summer the colors and the time, and 
compositions are to be adapted with judgment, j^j^g. ^^^ 
neither dull without fancy, nor gaudy without beauty, they describe 
I have seen too many of the last ; but, as I believe o^'duies of^ 
them to be the first trial of a child's genius in such the dress of 
performances, I only give this hint for their amend- ^^^t^"^^- 
ment. 

As the breast knot allows a good deal of ingenuity 
in the delicate choice of colors and disposition of 
figure, I think it may be indulged, but very sparingly. 




A ^VELL-DRE^>.SEL) GENTLEMAN. 
(NICHOLAS BOVLSTON.) 



No. 14] Fashions 4 1 

and rather with a carelessness than the least affecta- 
tion. It seems there is a fashion even in the colors 
of ribbons, and I have observed a beautiful purple to 
be lately the general mode. It is not the beauty of 
the color that recommends it, so much as the symbol 
it is said to bear. 

I come now to the head-dress, the very highest 
point of female elegance. Here I find such a variety 
of modes, such a medley of decoration, that it is hard 
to know where to fix. Lace and cambric, gauze and 
fringe, feathers and ribbons, create such a confusion, 
occasion such frequent changes, that it defies art, 
judgment, or taste, to recommend them to any stand- 
ard, or reduce them to any order. One ornament of the 
hair is styled the " horns," and has been long in vogue. 

The hat and peruke, which has been some time Pemke 
made part of a lady's riding equipage, is such an odd ^'^' 
kind of affectation, that I hardly know under what 
species to range it. It is such an enemy to female 
beauty, it is so foreign to every amiable grace, it adds 
such a masculine fierceness to the figure, and such a 
boldness to every feature, that neither decency nor 
elegance can justify it. 

The riding habit simply, with the black velvet cap 
and white feather, is, in my opinion, the most elegant 
dress that belongs to a lady's wardrobe ; there is a 
grace and gentility in it that all other dresses want. 
It displays the shape and turn of the body to great 
advantage, and betrays a negligence that is perfectly ^ 
agreeable. This fashion was certainly invented by a 
woman of taste, and I am pleased to see the ladies in 
general so well reconciled to it. 

It argues something like good sense in their choice 
still remaining. She, who makes her whole actions 



4 2 Highways and Byways [no. 14 

most conformable to that standard, will always be 
most secure of conquests and reputation. 

A woman's criticism 

You seem to blame us for our innovations and 
fleeting fancy in dress, which you are most notoriously 
guilty of, who esteem yourselves the mighty, wise, and 
head of the species. Therefore I think it highly 
necessary that you show us the example first, and 
begin the reformation among yourselves, if you intend 
your observations shall have any weight with us. 

I leave the world to judge whether our petticoat 
resembles the dome of St. Paul's nearer than you in 
your long coats do the Monument, or (not to borrow 
similes from abroad) our Beacon. 

You complain of our masculine appearance in our 
riding habit. We think it is but reasonable that we 
should make reprisals upon you, for the invasion of our 
dress and figure, and the advances you make in effemi- 
nacy, and your degeneracy from the figure of man. 

Can there be a more ridiculous appearance than to 
see a smart fellow within the height of five feet 
immersed in a huge long coat to his heels, with cuffs 
to the arm-pits, the shoulders and breast fenced 
against the inclemencies of the weather by a monstrous 
cape, or rather short cloak, shoe toes pointed to the 
heavens in imitation of the Laplanders, with buckles 
of a harness size .-^ 

I confess the beaux with their toupee wigs make us 
extremely merry ; and frequently put me in mind of 
my favorite monkey, both in figure and apishness. 
Were it not for a reverse of circumstance, I should be 
apt to mistake it for **pug," and treat him with the 
same familiarity. 



No. I5J Practical yokes 43 

15. A Practical Joke 

By William Black (1744) 

We took barge to go on board the Margaret^ then 
lying off the mouth of the river. In an hour we 
were out of sight of Annapohs ; at four we were 
at dinner. Properly speaking some of us made but 
one meal a day, and that lasting from morning to 
night. 

The biscuit barrel, standing open upon deck by the Biscuit— that 
pump, every other minute one hand or another would biscuit^ or 
be diving in it. You might hear our grinders like so pilot-bread: 
many hogs under a peach tree in a very high wind. haTd-baked 

Towards the going down of the sun we saw a boat big round 
and canoe fishing inshore. We hailed them with, ^"^^cker. 
"■ Have you got any fish } " They returned with, 
" Have you got any rum .'' " We answered, " Yes, 
will you come on board and taste it .-* " 

Then they untied and made directly for us, but a blunder- 
were very much surprised with the manner of recep- blunderbuss 
tion they met with. We had the blunderbush ready was a kind ' 
loaded and aimed on the side while they were to ^^f'^^^^., 

, r pistol, with 

board us. Mr. Littlepage, who was to act the part of a flaring 
the lieutenant of a man of war, was furnished with muzzle, 
four loaded pistols and the like number of swords. 

With his laced hat and romantic countenance he 
made an appearance much like another Black-beard, a famous 
Several more of our company were armed each with p^^^^^- 
a drawn sword and cocked pistol. Several pistols, 
three fowling pieces loaded, and some drawn swords 
were lying in view on a table on the main deck. 

In this manner were we equipped and stationed 
ready to receive the poor fishermen. When they 





^^^^^B^^-\^^^^l 


1 


1 






H^li^ 


I 


■ 






^H^ll 


I 


■ 






H^k'^^ 


I 


■ 








1 


■ 




^^^A 






1 






1 






Kl 




^B 


_ 




W*"^I^M 



ABIGAIL bishop's DRESS. 



No. 15] 



Practical yokes 



45 



came near enough to observe our postures, they im- 
mediately lay on their oars and paddles with no small 
concern to know what we were. In a little time the 
ebb tide drew them alongside, and Littlepage asked 
them in a sailor-like manner if they would come on 
board and serve his majesty. To this they made no 
reply, but kept gazing at us like so many thunder- 
struck persons. At last, with a discharge of our great 
gun and small arms, flourishing our swords round our 
heads, we asked them to come on board directly, else 
we would sink them. 

On hearing this, as if recovered from a trance, they 
called out to one another with signs of the greatest 
fear imaginable in their countenances : " Pull about ! 
Pull about ! for God's sake ! " With all the eager- 
ness possible they set to pulling and paddling as if 
pursued by a Spanish privateer. 

A call was made to haul up the barge and man 
her. This being done, Littlepage and myself got in 
with each a pair of pistols and a sword and made 
directly after them. Upon this, they quickened if 
possible their strokes, pulling for life directly to the 
shore. Now and then one or other of them would 
look behind and then cry out, " Pull away ! Pull 
away ! or we are all taken." 

At last they gained the shore. As soon as their 
vessels struck the ground they got their jackets on 
their shoulders, and without the least care of their 
craft made directly for the woods. We were pur- 
suing, hallowing, and brandishing our swords, and 
they were flying with their whole might, now looking 
behind them to see how near we were, then before 
them to see how far they were from the shore. 

It was a scene sufficient to create pleasure and a 



The joke was 
to make the 
fishermen 
beheve that 
the jokers 
were mem- 
bers of a 
" press 
gang," a 
body of sail- 
ors from a 
ship-of-war, 
out to sweep 
up seafaring 
men and 
compel them 
to serve in 
the royal 
navy. 



Billingsgate 
means 
abusive 
language. 



46 Highways and Byways [no. 16 

laugh in gentlemen less blithe and gaily disposed than 
these honorable commissioners. When they gained 
the land we turned and lay on our oars (for all we 
wanted was to surprise them a little). As soon as 
their fear and terror allowed them time to look be- 
hind, they rallied. 

As they were now in safety on solid land and in 
some measure freed from that dreadful apprehension 
of serving his majesty, they opened on us all at once, 
like so many hounds on a warm scent. They called 
us a parcel of scoundrels, and told us that if we would 
only come ashore man for man they would teach us 
what it was to fire guns at people and frighten them 
in so unaccountable a manner. 

After exchanging a little Billingsgate with them 
we returned on board, where we found the rest of 
our company very much pleased with the adventure. 
Night appeared cloudy, and it looked very squally 
when I betook myself to my cabin. In a very little 
time I got into the drowsy god's dominions, where let 
me rest till you turn over the leaf. 



Written by 
Franklin to 
his wife, Mrs. 
Deborah 
Franklin. 



16. Presents from London 

By Benjamin Franklin (1758) 

I SEND you by Captain Budden a large case, and 
a small box. In the large case is another small 
box, containing some English china ; namely, melons 
and leaves for a dessert of fruit and cream, or the 
like ; a bowl remarkable for the neatness of the fig- 
ures, made at Bow, near this city ; some coffee cups 
of the same ; a Worcester bowl, ordinary. 



No. i6j London Gifts 47 

To show the difference of workmanship, there is 
something from all the china works in England ; and 
one old true china basin mended, of an odd color. 

The same box contains four silver salt ladles, 
newest but ugliest fashion ; a little instrument to 
core apples ; another to make httle turnips out of 
great ones ; six coarse breakfast cloths ; (they are 
to spread on the tea-table, for nobody breakfasts here 
on the bare table, but on the cloth they set a large 
tea-board with the cups). 

There is also a little basket, a present from Mrs. 
Stevenson to Sally, and a pair of garters for you, 
which were knit by the young lady, her daughter, 
who favored me with a pair of the same kind. They 
are the only ones I have been able to wear; as they 
need not to be bound tight, the ridges in them pre- 
vent their slipping. We send them therefore as a 
curiosity for the form, more than for the value. 
Goody Smith may, if she pleases, make such for me 
hereafter. My love to her. 

In the great case, besides the little box, is con- 
tained some carpeting for a best room floor. There 
is enough for one large or two small ones. It is to 
be sewed together, the edges first turned down, and 
care taken to make the figures meet exactly ; there is 
bordering for the same. This was my fancy. 

Also two large fine Flanders bedticks, and two pair 
of large superfine blankets, two fine damask table- 
cloths and napkins, and forty-three ells of Ghentish Eii = yard. 
sheeting Holland. These you ordered. 

There are also fifty-six yards of cotton, printed Cotton was 
curiously from copper plates, a new invention, to Jjj^^grla?'^^ 
make bed and window curtains ; and seven yards of 
chair bottoms, printed in the same way, very neat. 



48 Highways and Byways [no. 16 

These were my fancy ; but Mrs. Stevenson tells me I 
did wrong not to buy both of the same color. Also 
seven yards of printed cotton, blue ground, to make 
you a gown. 

I bought it by candleHght, and liked it then, but 
not so well afterwards. If you do not fancy it, send 
it as a present from me to sister Jenny. There is a 
better gown for you, of flowered tissue, sixteen yards, 
$M. of Mrs. Stevenson's fancy, cost nine guineas ; and I 

think it a great beauty. There was no more of the 
sort, or you should have had enough for a suit. 

There are also snuffers, a snuffstand, and extin- 
guisher, of steel, which I send for the beauty of the 
work. The extinguisher is for spermaceti candles 
only, and is of a new contrivance, to preserve the 
snuff upon the candle. There is some music Billy 
bought for his sister, and some pamphlets for the 
Speaker and for Susy Wright. 

A mahogany box and a little shagreen box, with 
microscopes and other optical instruments loose, are 
for Mr. AHson, if he Hkes them ; if not, put them in 
my room till I return. I send the invoice of them, 
and I wrote to him formerly the reason of my exceed- 
ing his orders. There are also two sets of books, a 
present from me to Sally, The World and The Connois- 
seur. My love to her. 

I forgot to mention another of my fancy ings, 
namely, a pair of silk blankets, very fine. They are 
of a new kind, were just taken in a French prize, and 
such were never seen in England before. They are 
called blankets, but I think they will be very neat to 
cover a summer bed, instead of a quilt or counterpane. 
I had no choice, so you will excuse the soil on some 
of the folds ; your neighbour Foster can get it off. I 



No. i6] 



London Gifts 



49 



also forgot, among the china, to mention a large fine 
jug, to stand in the cooler. 

I fell in love with it at first sight ; for I thought it 
looked like a fat jolly dame, clean and tidy, with a 
neat blue and white calico gown on, good natured 
and lovely, and put me in mind of — somebody. It 
has the coffee cups in it, packed in best crystal salt, 
of a peculiar nice flavor, for the table, not to be 
powdered. 

I hope Sally applies herself closely to her French 
and music, and that I shall find she has made great 
proficiency. The harpsichord I was looking at, and 
which was to have cost me forty guineas, Mr. Stanley ^200, 
advises me not to buy ; and we are looking out for 
another, one that has been some time in use, and is 
a tried good one, there being not so much dependence 
on a new one, though made by the best hands. 




A harpsi- 
chord was a 
kind of little 
piano. 



A TRAVELLING COACH. 



Sally's last letter to her brother is the best written 
that of late I have seen of hers. I only wish she were 
a little more careful of her spelling. I hope she con- 
tinues to love going to church, and would have her 
read over and over again the " Whole Duty of Man," 
and the ''Lady's Library." 

Look at the figures on the china bowl and coffee 



5 o Highways and Byways [no. 17 

cups, with your spectacles on ; they will bear exam- 
ining. 

I have made your compliments to Mrs. Stevenson. 
She is indeed very obHging, takes great care of my 
health, and is very attentive when I am in any way ill. 
But yet I have a thousand times wished you with me, 
and my little Sally with her ready hands and feet to 
do, and go, and come, and get what I wanted. There 
is a great difference in sickness when one cannot be 
nursed with that tender attention which proceeds 
from sincere love. 



Buinaby was 
an English 
traveller who 
saw much 
that other 
people 
missed. 



17. In the Woods 

By Andrew Burnaby (1760) 

One of the chief articles for exportation are masts 
for the royal navy. These are made of white pine, 
and are, I believe, the finest in the world, many 
of them forty yards long, and as many inches in 
diameter. 

They never cut them down but in times of deep 
snow, as it would be impossible in any other season 
to get them down to the river. When the trees are 
fallen, they put on seventy or eighty yoke of oxen, and 
drag them along the snow. It is exceedingly difficult 
to put them first in motion, which they call raising 
them. When they have once effected this, they 
never stop upon any account whatsoever till they 
arrive at the water side. 

Frequently some of the oxen are taken ill ; upon 
which they immediately cut them out of the gears, 
and are sometimes obliged, I am told, to sacrifice five 
or six yoke of them. 



No. 17] The Forests 5 1 

The forests, where these masts grow, are reserved 
to the crown, which appoints a surveyor of them, 
commonly the governor of this province. 

This is not the only expedient employed by govern- 
ment for the preservation of such trees as may be of 
use for the royal navy. There is an act of parha- 
ment, I believe, which prohibits, under pain of certain 
fines and penalties, the cutting down, or destroying, 
of any white pine tree, of specified dimensions, grow- 
ing outside the boundaries of any town, without his 
majesty's license, in any of the provinces of New 
England, New York, or New Jersey. 

This restriction is absolutely necessary, whether When the 
considered as securing a provision for the navy, or ^,|t^°J^7hT 
as a check upon that very destructive practice, taken supply of 
from the Indians, of fire-hunting. It used to be the src^^ *'^^^^,' 

' . ^ . . It IS said that 

custom for large companies to go into the woods in many British 
the winter, and to set fire to the brush and under- ships were 

, . • 1 r 1 M T-1 • • 1 J lost because 

wood in a circle of several miles. Ihis circle gradu- they could no 
ally contracting itself, the deer, and other wild animals longer get 
inclosed, naturally retired from the flames, till at length ^""""^ ™'''^'- 
they got herded together in a very small compass. 

Then, blinded and suffocated by the smoke, and 
scorched by the fire, which every moment came 
nearer to them, they forced their way, under the 
greatest trepidation and dismay, through the flames. 
As soon as they got into the open daylight again, 
they were shot by the hunters, who stood without 
and were in readiness to fire upon them. 

The trees included within the circle, although not 
absolutely burnt down, were so dried and injured 
that they never vegetated any more ; and the fire not 
only contracted itself inwardly, but also dilated out- 
wardly, and sometimes continued burning for several 



5 2 Highways and Byways [no. is 

weeks, till rain or some accidental circumstance put 
it out; there is no measuring the injury and devas- 
tation it occasioned in the woods. 

I was once a spectator of a similar fire in Virginia, 
which had happened through accident. Nothing 
could be more awful and tremendous than the sight. 
It was of great extent, and burned several weeks 
before the inhabitants could subdue it. They effected 
it at last by cutting away the underwood in wide 
and long avenues, to leeward of the fire, by which it 
was prevented from communicating or spreading any 
farther. In Virginia there is an express act of as- 
sembly, passed in the 12th year of his late majesty, 
to forbid this practice. 



18. All Sorts of Advertisements 

From the Newspapers (i 740-1 751) 

What was If any person has a Jersey, English, or Irish boy's 

wanted was ^-jj^^ ^^ disDOSC of, that cau shavc or cook, he may hear 

the service of -^ . ■' 

an inden- of a purchaser by enquirmg of the printer hereof, 

vant. Whereas I the subscriber on or about the 25th of 

October last past, purchased of a certain William 
Tough, of Salem, in West-New-Jersey, a negro 
woman slave, which he the said William warranted 
to be sound and in good order. In consideration 
whereof I passed my note to him for the payment of 
twenty-five pounds next May. 

The next day after the purchase of said negro I 
discovered she was much troubled with fits, whereby 
she is rendered unable to perform any service, and I 
am much deceived and imposed upon in the purchase. 



No. i8] Advertisements 5 3 

These are therefore to forewarn all persons not to 
be concerned with or take any assignment of the said 
note from the said William Tough for I am determined 
not to pay the same, until a trial at law be had there- 
upon. Jonathan Strainge. 

The Elizabeth-Town lottery is proposed to begin Lotteries 
drawing the first Tuesday in May next, if it be full ^^^^ ^^'^^^ 

1 ,. . „ ^ , rT'i common, 

by that time. A small number of the tickets yet even for coi- 
remaining unsold, those who incline to become ad- ^^s^^ ^"^ 
venturers are desired to be expeditious. parsonages. 

A Jersey boy's time for seven years, to be sold. 
Enquire of the printer. 

Notice is hereby given that there is now in the 
jail a negro man, says he came from Albany, and his 
master's name is Millor. He is a middle-sized fellow, 
aged about twenty-eight or thirty years, has cuts in 
his face, and laughs much ; but has no clothes fit to 
describe him by. 

The owner is desired to fetch him away, and pay 
the charges. Joseph Hollinshead, Sheriff. 

Our readers are cautioned to beware of a new par- The paper 

eel of counterfeit New Jersey fifteen shilling bills, ^^^^^^{^^^ 

just beginning to appear among us. They are in primed, and 

imitation of the newest money, dated July 2, 1746, could easily 

A u 1 X. ^u ^^ J J ' '^ ' be imitated. 

and may be known by these particulars. 

The paper of the counterfeits is thin and smooth, 
and when looked through in the light appears fair 
and free from knots. The paper of the true bills is 
thicker, rougher, and when looked through in the 
light appears clouded and uneven. The counterfeits 
are wholly done from a copper-plate, the back as well 
as the foreside ; the true bills are printed from common 
types, in the common printing-press. 



5 4 Highways and Byways [no. is 



The sale of 
slaves at 
auction (ven- 
due) was a 
common 
incident of 
the times. 



Linsey- 
woolsey was 
cloth w^oven 
in hand 
looms, half 
linen and 
half wool. 



White ser- 
vants who 
left their 
masters be- 
fore their 



The three crowns by the side of the arms in the 
counterfeits are imhke each other, and are more 
round than those in the true bills. The flowers above 
and below those crowns in the counterfeit are noth- 
ing like. 

In the counterfeits the letters of the word shillings 
are larger. There are many other marks by which 
they may be distinguished, but these, we hope, will 
be sufficient at present. 

To be sold at pubHc vendue, on Friday the 29th, 
at the house of Mr. Joseph Johnson, in Newark, two 
negro men who understand mining ; as also the uten- 
sils belonging to the mine, in Kingsland's lands, with 
pots and kettles, &c. As also the remaining part of 
the lease of said mine, which is nearly two years. 

Run away on the 14th of last month from Abra- 
ham Lord, of Piles-Grove, Salem county, an Irish 
servant man, named Daniel Foy, of a middle stature, 
pale complexion, about twenty-six years of age, well- 
set, speaks but middling English, and has been on 
the expedition against Canada. Had on when he 
went away, a linsey-woolsey blue grey coat, with large 
brass buttons, a grey cloth jacket, buck-skin breeches, 
felt hat, grey cotton cap, and a red silk handkerchief. 
He has two pair of stockings with him, one grey 
worsted, ribbed, the other blue yarn. Whoever takes 
up and secures said servant, so that his master may 
have him again, shall have three pounds reward, and 
reasonable charges paid by Abraham Lord. 

Ran away on the 20th from Nathan Watson, of 
Mount-Holly, an Irish servant man, named Christo- 
pher Cooney, a short well-set fellow, about twenty-six 
years of age, of a pale complexion, short brown curled 



No. i8] 



Advertisements 



55 



hair, had lost one of his under fore teeth, and has had term of ser- 
his right leg broke, and walks with his toe turned ^'^^ ^^^ ^^ 
outward. 

Had on when he went away, a new castor hat, a 
red great coat, a light colored fustian coat and jacket, 
new copper colored broadcloth breeches, lined with 
leather, new black and white yarn stockings, old 
shoes, newly soled. He was some time past a hostler 



pired were 
liable to pur- 
suit, capture, 
and punish- 
ment, like 
slaves. 













THE WAYSIDE INN. 



at Jonathan Thomas's, in Burlington. Whoever takes 
up and secures said servant, so that his master may 
have him again, shall have forty shillings reward, and 
reasonable charges, paid by. Nathan Watson. 

Lost, last fall, in Morris-Town, in East-Jersey, a 
dog, of the pointer kind, all white, his tail docked and The reward 
has had his off thigh broken ; answers to the name of ^°'' *''^ J°5 '^ 

<=• ^ one-eigntn 

Cato. Whoever brings the said dog to Mr. Waters at that for the 
Elizabeth-Town Point, shall have five shillings reward. "^^"' 



5 6 Highways and Byways [no. 19 



A negro 
found wan- 
dering about 
might be 
arrested and 
lodged in 
jail, simply 
on the 
chance that 
he was a fu- 
gitive slave. 



Now in the custody of Thomas Smith, sheriff of 
Cape-May county, a run-away negro man, who goes 
by the name of Jupiter Hazard, is about twenty-seven 
years of age, not very black, of a middle size, and 
well built. Had on when taken up, a flannel shirt, 
leather breeches with a fob in the waist-band, shoes 
and stockings, both very good, the stockings of a blue 
color, bathmetal buckles, a good felt hat and worsted 
cap. He speaks English like a country-born negro 
who has lived some time among the Dutch. 

He had a bundle .with him, which contained two 
white shirts, a dimity jacket and breeches, a white 
handkerchief, a linen cap, and a pocket-book with 
four dollars in it, and a pair of silver knee-buckles, 
marked N. S. He seems to have travelled, for he 
gives a good account of Rhode Island, New York, 
Pennsylvania, Shrewsbury, and other places : says his 
master's name is John Bannister, and that he lives at 
Piscataway, in Rhode Island Government. 



At that time 
whales were 
still abun- 
dant in the 
North Atlan- 
tic Ocean. 



19. A Rousing Whaling Song 

By John Osborn (about 1750) 

When spring returns with western gales. 

And gentle breezes sweep 
The ruffling seas, we spread our sails 

To plough the watery deep. 

For killing northern whales prepared, 

Our nimble boats on board, 
With craft and rum (our chief regard) 

And good provisions stored. 



No. 19] Whalers 5 7 

Cape Cod, our dearest native land, 

We leave astern, and lose 
Its sinking cliffs and lessening sands 

While Zephyr gently blows. 

Bold, hardy men, with blooming age, 

Our sandy shores produce ; 
With monstrous fish they dare engage, 

And dangerous callings choose. 

Now towards the early dawning east 

We speed our course away. 
With eager minds and joyful hearts, 

To meet the rising day. 

Then as we turn our wandering eyes, 

We view one constant show ; 
Above, around, the circling skies, 

The rolling seas below. 

When eastward, clear of Newfoundland, 

We stem the frozen pole, 
We see the icy islands stand. 

The northern billows roll. 

As to the north we make our way, 

Surprising scenes we find ; 
We lengthen out the tedious day. 

And leave the night behind. 

Now see the northern regions, where 

Eternal" winter reigns : 
One day and night fills up the year, 

And endless cold maintains. v 



5 8 Highways and Byways [No. 19 

We view the monsters of the deep, 
Great whales in numerous swarms ; 

And creatures there, that play and leap, 
Of strange, unusual forms. 

When in our station we are placed. 

And whales around us play, 
We launch our boats into the main, 

And swiftly chase our prey. 

In haste we ply our nimble oars, 

For an assault designed ; 
The sea beneath us foams and roars. 

And leaves a wake behind. 

A mighty whale we rush upon. 

And in our irons throw : 
She sinks her monstrous body down 

Among the waves below. 

And when she rises out again. 

We soon renew the fight ; 
Thrust our sharp lances in amain. 

And all her rage excite. 

Enraged, she makes a mighty bound ; 

Thick foams the whitened sea ; 
The waves in circles rise around, 

And widening roll away. 

She thrashes with her tail around, 
And blows her reddening breath ; 

She breaks the air, a deafening sound. 
While ocean groans beneath. 



No. 20] Old Boston 5 9 

From numerous wounds, with crimson flood, 

She stains the frothy seas, 
And gasps, and blows her latest blood, 

While quivering life decays. 

With joyful hearts we see her die. 

And on the surface lay ; le. lie. 

While all with eager haste apply, 

To save our deathful prey. 



2 0. Life in Boston 

By Francis Goelet (1750) 

Boston, the metropolis of North America is con- Goeiet was a 
sidered the largest town upon the continent. It has sea-captain, 

*=• ^ . on a visit 

about three thousand houses in it, nearly two thirds from New 
of which are wooden, framed, and covered with clap- ^°^^- 
boards. Some of them are very spacious buildings, 
and with their gardens about them cover a great deal 
of ground. They are for the most part two and three 
stories high, and most of them have sash windows. 

The brick buildings are much better and more 
strongly built, more after the modern taste, all sashed 
and pretty well ornamented. They have also yards 
and gardens adjoining them. All the streets are 
very irregular; though the main streets are broad 
and paved with stone, the cross streets are narrow 
and paved, except towards the outskirts of the town. 

The town extends about two miles in length, north 
and south. It is in some places half a mile, and in 
others three fourths of a mile, broad. It has one The present 
main street running the whole length of the town ^j.gg^^"^*°" 
from north to south, and tolerably broad. 



6o Highways and Byways [no. 20 

The situation of the place is extremely pleasant, 
being on a neck of land, with tide flowing on each 
side. That part of the town may be called an island, 
for the water which parts it from the main continent 
is only about twenty feet across, with drawbridges ; 
and the tide runs very strong through the bridge. 

The harbor is defended by a strong castle of a 
hundred guns, built upon an island where the shipping 
must pass by and within hail. This situation is ex- 
traordinary, for it commands the harbor on every side ; 
it is well built and kept in exceedingly good order. 

The tide in the harbor rises about twelve or thir- 
teen feet perpendicularly at the full and change of 
the moon, and thus is very inconvenient for loaded 
vessels, since there is not more than twelve feet of 
water at the end of the Long Wharf. This wharf is 
noted as the longest in North America, for it is nearly 
half an English mile in length and runs directly out 
from shore. One side is full of warehouses from one 
end to the other. 

The Bostoniers build a vast number of vessels for 
sale, from small sloops up to topsail vessels. They 
are noted for good sailing vessels. 

This place has about twelve meeting-houses and 
three Episcopal churches, which are all very indiffer- 
ent buildings, of no kind of architecture, but very 
plain. At the North end of the town they have a 
chime of bells, which are very poor. They have only 
one market, which is all built of brick, about eighty 
feet long and arched on both sides. It is two stories 
high and has the upper part sashed. It contains 
several of the public offices of the town. 
The old They have also a town-house built of brick, situated 

state House, -j^ King Street. It is a very grand brick building, 



No. 20] 



Old Boston 



61 



/.^. from Eng- 
land. 



arched all round, and two stories high, sashed above. 
Its lower part is always open, for it is intended to be 
an exchange. The merchants in' fair weather carry 
on their business in the open street, at the eastern- 
most end. In the upper story are the council and 
assembly, chambers, etc. It has a neat cupola, 
sashed all round, which on rejoicing days is illumi- /.^. days of 
nated. As to government, Boston is dependent and rejoicing, 
subordinate to England for its laws, being under the 
king's government. The governor is a person ap- 
pointed from home to represent his Majesty. The 
laws are made by the two houses of the legislature, 
the council and the great and general assembly. 
The former is like the Enghsh House of Lords, and 
the latter like the Commons. Unless the governor 
signs the bill, it does 
not pass into a law. 

The Boston people 
are very strict observ- 
ers of the Sabbath day. 
While service is going 
on no persons except 
doctors are allowed on 
the streets. If you are 
found upon the streets 
and the constables meet 
you, they compel you 
to go either to an Epis- 
copal church or to the 
Congregational meet- 
ing, as you choose. 

Also in swearing, if you are caught you must pay Captain 
a crown for every oath, on beinsf convicted thereof, Goeietvvrote 

-' ' ^ " catch d 

Without lurther dispute. for caught. 




A TAVERN SIGN. 



6 2 Highways and Byways [No. 21 



Freneau was 
born in 
France, but 
became a 
noted news- 
paper man, 
author, and 
poet in 
America. 



2 1. A Storm at Sea 

By Philip Freneau 

Happy the man who, safe on shore, 

Now trims, at home, his evening fire ; 
Unmov'd he hears the tempest roar. 
That on the tufted groves expire ; 
Alas ! on us they doubly fall. 
Our feeble bark must bear them all. 

Now to their haunts the birds retreat, 
The squirrel seeks his hollow tree. 
Wolves in their shaded caverns meet. 
All, all are blest but wretched we — 
For, doom'd a stranger to repose, 
No rest the unsettled ocean knows. 

Whilst o'er the dark abyss we roam, 

Perhaps, whate'er the pilots say, 
We saw the sun's descending gloom, 
No more to see the rising ray ; 
But buried low, by far too deep. 
On coral beds unpitied sleep ! 

But what a strange uncoasted strand 

Is that where death permits no day. 
No charts we have to mark that land. 
No compass to direct the way ! 

What pilot shall explore that realm, 
What new Columbus take the helm ! 

While death and darkness both surround. 
And tempests rage with lawless power, 

Of friendship's voice I hear no sound. 
No comfort in this dreadful hour — 



No. 22] ' Niagara 63 

What friendship can in tempests be, 
What comforts on this angry sea ! 

The barque accustom'd to obey, 

No more the trembhng pilots guide, 
Alone she gropes her trackless way, 
While mountains burst on every side. 
Thus skill and science both must fall, 
And ruin is the lot of all. 



2 2. Saved from Niagara 

By Peter Kalm (1750) 

It was formerly thought impossible for anybody The island is 
living to come at the island that is in the middle of Goat island, 
the fall : but an accident that happened twelve years joined to the 
ago or thereabouts, made it appear otherwise. The American 

1 • ^ . , 1 . side by 

history is this. • bridges. 

Two Indians of the Six Nations went out from 
Niagara fort to hunt upon an island that is in the 
middle of the river or strait above the great fall. 

On this island used to be abundance of deer. 
They took some French brandy with them from the 
fort, which they tasted several times as they were 
going over the carrying place. When they were in 
the canoe, they took now and then a dram, and so 
went along up the strait towards the island where 
they proposed to hunt. Growing sleepy they laid 
themselves down in the canoe, which getting loose 
drove back with the stream, farther and farther down, 
till it came near that island that is in the middle of 
the fall. 



64 Highways and Byways [no. 22 

Here one of them, awakened by the noise of the 
fall, cries out to the other, that they were gone ! yet 
they tried if possible to save life. This island was 
nearest, and with much working they got on shore 
there. At first they were glad ; but when they had 
considered everything, they thought themselves 
hardly in a better state than if they had gone down 
the fall. They had now no other choice, than either 
to throw themselves down the cHff, or to perish with 
hunger. 

But hard necessity put them on invention. At the 
lower end of the island the rock is perpendicular, 
and no water is running there. This island has 
plenty of wood, they went to work directly and made 
a ladder or shrouds of the bark of linden-tree (which 
is very tough and strong). They made it so long 
that with it they could reach the water below. 

One end of this bark ladder they tied fast to a great 
tree that grew at the side of the rock above the fall, 
and let the other end down to the water. So they went 
down along their new-invented stairs, and when they 
came to the bottom in the middle of the fall, they 
rested a little. As the water next below the fall is 
not rapid, as before mentioned, they threw themselves 
out into it, thinking to swim on shore. 

I have said before, that one part of the fall is on 
one side of the island, the other on the other side. 
Hence it is, that the waters of the two cataracts run- 
ning against each other, turn back against the rock 
that is just under the island. Therefore, hardly had 
the Indians begun to swim, before the waves of the 
eddy threw them with violence against the rock from 
whence they came. 

They tried it several times, but at last grew weary ; 



No. 22] 



TV, 



aga 



ra 



65 



and were so often thrown against the rock, that they 
were much bruised, and the skin of their bodies torn in 
many places. So they were obhged to climb up their 
stairs again to the island, not knowing what to do. 
After some time they perceived Indians on the shore, 
to whom they cried out. 

These saw and pitied them, but gave them little 
hopes of help ; yet they made haste down to the fort, 




AN EARLY PICTURE OF NIAGARA. 



and told the commander where two of their brethren 
were. He persuaded them to try all possible means 
of relieving the two poor Indians ; and it was done 
in this manner. 

The water that runs on the east side of this island 
is shallow, especially a Uttle above the island towards 
the eastern shore. The commandant caused poles to 
be made and pointed with iron. Two Indians deter- 



66 Highways and Byways [no. 23 

mined to walk to this island by the help of these 
poles, to save the other poor creatures, or perish 
themselves. 

They took leave of all their friends as if they were 
going to death. Each had two such poles in his 
hands, to set against the bottom of the stream, to 
keep them steady. So they went and got to the 
island, and having given poles to the two poor Ind- 
ians there, they all returned safely to the main. 

Those two Indians who in the above mentioned 
manner were first brought to this island, are yet alive. 
They were nine days on the island, and almost 
starved to death. Now since the way to this island 
has been found, the Indians go there often to kill 
deer, which have tried to cross the river above the 
fall, and were driven upon the island by the stream : 
but if the king of France would give me all Canada, 
I would not venture to go to this island ; and were 
you to see it, sir, I am sure you would have the 
same sentiment. 



23. A Tornado and a Waterspout 

By Oliver Hart (1752) 

Carolina. This provincc is subject to frequent and dreadful 

tempests of thunder and Hghtning, in May, June, 
July and August. 

For several days together, about the middle of July, 
1752, the mercury never fell below ninety-nine or one 
hundred degrees. Very Httle rain fell between that 
time and September the 14th, when the wind in the 
afternoon began to blow with great violence from the 
north-east and continued increasing till the morning 



No. 23] A Tornado 67 

of the 1 5th, when its force was irresistible. It stopped 
the course of the Gulf stream, which poured in upon 
us like a torrent, filling the harbor in a few minutes. 
Before eleven o'clock, A.M. all the vessels in the har- 
bor were on shore, except the '' Hornet " man of war, 
which rode it out by cutting away her masts. 

All the wharfs and bridges were ruined, and every 
house and store upon them beaten down, as were 
also many houses in the town, with abundance of roofs, 
chimneys, &c. Almost all the tiled or slated houses 
were uncovered, and great quantities of merchandise 
in the stores of the Bay-street were damaged by 
their doors being burst open. The town was likewise 
overflowed, the water having risen ten feet above high- 
water mark at spring-tides. 

Nothing was to be seen but ruins of houses, canoes, 
wrecks of boats, masts, yards, barrels, staves, &c. 
floating and driving with great violence through the 
streets, and round about the town. The inhabitants 
found themselves in the midst of a tempestuous sea ; 
the violence of the wind continued ; the tide (accord- 
ing to its common course) was expected to flow, till 
after one o'clock ; and many of the people were up 
to their necks in water in their houses. Hence they 
began now to despair of Hfe. 

Here we must record as signal an instance of the 
immediate interposition of Divine Providence as ever 
appeared. They were soon delivered from their ap- 
prehensions ; for, about ten minutes after eleven 
o'clock, the wind veered to east, southeast, south, and 
southwest very quick. Then (though its violence con- 
tinued, the sea still beating and dashing with amazing 
impetuosity) the waters fell about five feet in the 
space of ten minutes. Without this sudden and unex- 



68 Highways and Byways [no. 23 

pected fall, every house and inhabitant of this town 
must, in all probability, have perished. 

This shifting of the wind left the stream of the 
Gulf of Florida, to follow its wonted course. Before 
three o'clock, P.M. the hurricane was entirely over. 
Many people were drowned, and others much hurt 
by the fall of houses. For about forty miles round 
Charlestown, there was hardly a plantation that did 
not lose every out-house upon it, and the roads, for 
years afterwards, were encumbered with trees blown 
and broken down. 

Whirlwinds are sometimes felt here ; a most vio- 
lent one of that kind, commonly known under the 
title of Typhones, passed down Ashley River on the 
4th of May, 1761; and fell upon the shipping in 
Rebellion Road, with such fury as to threaten the 
destruction of a large fleet, lying there, ready to sail 
for Europe. This terrible phenomenon was seen by 
many of the inhabitants of Charlestown, coming down 
Wappoo Creek. It resembled a large column of 
smoke and vapor, whose motion, as well as that of the 
neighboring clouds, was very irregular and tumul- 
tuous. The clouds appeared to be driving down 
nearly in the same direction, and with great swiftness. 

The quantity of vapor which composed this impetu- 
ous column, and its prodigious velocity, gave it such 
a surprising momentum, as to plow Ashley River to 
the bottom. That it laid the channel bare, many 
people were eye-witnesses. When it was coming 
down Ashley River, it made so great a noise as to be 
heard by most of the people in town, who took it for 
a constant thunder. It increased in size in its prog- 
ress to the road. 

As it passed the town, it was met by another gust. 



No. 23] A JVaterspout 6g 

which came down Cooper River. This was not of 
equal strength or impetuosity with the other; but, 
upon their meeting together, the tumultuous and 
whirling agitations of the air were seemingly much 
greater, insomuch that the froth and vapor seemed to 
be thrown up to a great height towards the middle. 
The clouds, that were now driving in all directions to 
this place, appeared to be precipitated, and whirled 
round at the same time with incredible velocity. 

Immediately after, it fell on the shipping in the road, 
and was scarce three minutes in its passage. Five 
vessels were sunk outright; his Majesty's ship the 
Dolphin and many others lost their masts. This 
tremendous column was seen, at noon, upwards of 
thirty miles south-west from Charlestown, where it 
arrived about twenty-five minutes after two. It made 
an avenue in its course of a great width, tearing up 
trees, houses, and every thing that opposed it ; great 
quantities of leaves, branches of trees, and even large 
limbs, were seen furiously driven about, and agitated 
in the body of the column as it passed along. 

The sky was overcast and cloudy all the forenoon ; 
about one o'clock it began to thunder, and continued 
more or less till three. By four o'clock the wind was 
quite fallen, the sun shone out, and the sky was clear 
and serene. We could scarce believe that such a 
scene had been so recently exhibited, were not the 
sinking and dismantled vessels so many striking and 
melancholy proofs of its reality. 




CHAMPLAIN AND THE INDIANS. 



PART III 

THE INDIANS 



24. Indian Children sold as Slaves 

By Caleb Heathcote and William Johnson (1715) 

I HAVE been told, my lord, that the reasons which 
the Indians give for their breach with Carolina is the 
injustice which has been done them by taking away 
their land without its being fairly purchased or paid 
for. They complain also that their children were 
many of them bound out for a Hmited time to be 
taught and instructed by the Christians, The Ind- 
ians complain that, contrary to the intent of their 
agreement, these children were transported to other 
plantations and sold as slaves. 

I don't know but there may be some truth in what 
they allege. I make bold most humbly to offer your 
lordship my opinion thereon. I do humbly suppose 
it might be very advisable to quench the fire already 
begun and prevent the like grounds of complaint 
hereafter. 

His majesty would be pleased with as little loss of 
time as may be. It might be advisable to direct all 
the governors on this continent to send for the sachems 
and heads of the Indians in their respective govern- 

71 



This part is 
written by 
Colonel 
Heathcote to 
the ministry 
in England. 



This terrible 
injustice and 
breach of 
faith was one 
of the faults 
of our an- 
cestors. Can 
you wonder 
that the Ind- 
ians made 
war after 
such an act 
of cruelty ? 



72 



T/ie Indians 



[No. 25 



This part is 
by Colonel 
William 
Johnson to 
Governor 
Clinton of 
New York. 



ments. After renewing the covenant chain with 
them, as they call it, a strict inquiry should be made 
into all their complaints and grievances. This should 
be done both with regard to their lands and on other 
accounts. Assure them of redress. Let them know 
that 'tis his majesty's express commands to have it so. 

Something of this sort, my lord, would be very 
proper to do. Thus we may, if possible, keep the 
Indians quiet and in good temper, till we have our 
country better settled and secured and the French 
rooted out. Then we may expect to have the heathen 
on better terms, although justice ought forever to be 
done them. 

I am very glad your Excellency has given orders 
to have the Indian children returned, who are kept 
by the traders as pawns or pledges as they call it. 
Rather they have been stolen from them. 

The parents came at the appointed time to redeem 
the children, but they sent them away beforehand. 
They were children of our friends and allies. 

If they are not returned next spring it will confirm 
what the French told the Six Nations, They told 
them that we looked upon them as our slaves or 
negroes. This affair cost me a great deal of trouble 
at that time to reconcile the Indians. 



Bartram was 
a botanist 
who liked to 
wander 



25. Indian Hospitality 

By John Bartram (1743) 

After having enjoyed this enchanting prospect we 
descended easily for several miles, over good land 
producing sugar-maples, many of which the Indians 



No. 25] Indian Hosts 73 

had tapped to make sugar of the sap ; we also saw about the 
oaks, hickory, white walnuts, plums and some apple country, 
trees, full of fruit. The Indians had set long bushes 
all round the trees at a little distance, I suppose to 
keep the small children from stealing the fruit before 
it were ripe. 

Here we halted and turned our horses to grass, 
while the inhabitants cleared a cabin for our recep- 
tion. They brought us victuals, and we dispatched 
a messenger immediately to Onondago to let them 
know how near we were ; it was only four miles away. 
All the Indians, men, women and children came to 
gaze at us and our horses. The little boys and girls 
cHmbed on the roofs of their cabins, about ten in 
number, to enjoy a fuller view. 

We set out about ten, and travelled over good land 
all the way, mostly an easy descent, down the east 
hill, over ridges of lime-stone rock, into the fine vale 
where this capital (if I may so call it) is situated. 

We alighted at the council house, where the chiefs 
were already assembled to receive us, which they did 
with a grave cheerful complaisance, according to their 
custom. They showed us where to lay our baggage, 
and to repose ourselves during our stay with them ; 
they set apart the two end apartments of this large 
house. 

The Indians that came with us, were placed over This is the 
against us : this cabin is about eighty feet long, and f. Long "^ 
seventeen broad, the common passage about six feet House " of 
wide ; and the apartments on each side five feet high, 
raised a foot above the passage by a long sapUng 
hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to 
the back of the house ; on these joists they lay large 
pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions they 



the Six 
Nations. 



74 The Indians [no. 25 

spread mats made of rushes, which favor we had. On 
these floors they sit or He down every one as he will. 
The apartments are divided from each other by boards 
or bark, six or seven feet long, from the lower floor 
to the upper, on which they put their lumber. When 
they have eaten their hominy, they can put the bowl 
over head, having not above five feet to reach. 

They sit on the floor sometimes at each end, but 
mostly at one. They have a shed to put their wood 
into in the winter, or in the summer, to sit to converse 
or play ; it has a door to the south. All the sides 
and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound fast 
to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the 
top, or set aflat, for the roof, as we set our rafters. 

Over each fire place they leave a hole to let out 
the smoke, which in rainy weather they cover with 
a piece of bark. This they can easily reach with a 
pole to push it on one side or quite over the hole. 

The town in its present state is about two or three 
miles long, yet the scattered cabins on both sides 
the water, are not above forty in number, many of 
them hold two families. All stand single, and rarely 
above four or five near one another. The whole 
town is a strange mixture of cabins, interspersed 
with great patches of high grass, bushes and shrubs, 
some of peas, corn and squashes. 

At night, soon after we were laid down to sleep, and 
our fire was almost burnt out, we were entertained by 
a comical fellow, disguised in as odd a dress as Indian 
folly could invent. He had on a clumsy vizard of 
wood colored black, with a nose four or five inches 
long, a grinning mouth set awry, furnished with long 
teeth. Round the eyes, circles of bright brass, sur- 
rounded by a larger circle of white paint. 



No. 25] 



Indian Hosts 



75 



From his forehead hung long tresses of buffaloes' 
hair, and from the back part of his head ropes made 
of the plaited husks of Indian corn. I cannot recollect 
the whole of his dress, but it was equally uncouth. 
He carried in one hand a long staff, in the other a 
calabash gourd with small 
stones in it, for a rattle ; 
this he rubbed up and 
down his staff. 

He would sometimes 
hold up his head and make 
a hideous noise like the 
braying of a donkey. He 
came in at the further end, 
and made this noise at first, 
whether it was because he 
would not surprise us too 
suddenly I can't say. I 
asked Conrad Weiser, who 
as well as myself lay next 
the alley, what noise that 
was.'' and Shickalamy the 
Indian chief, our compan- 
ion, who I supposed, 
thought me somewhat 
scared, called out, "Lie 
still, John." I never heard 
him speak so much plain 
English before. 

The jack-pudding presently came up to us, and an 
Indian boy came with him and kindled our fire, that 
we might see his glittering eyes and antick postures We say antic 
as he hobbled round the fire. Sometimes he would °^f^"^^s*^^- 
turn the buffaloes' hair on one side that we might 




AN INDIAN CHILD. 



76 



The Indians 



[No. 26 



Phiz=face. take the better view of his ill-favored phiz. When 
he had tired himself, which was sometime after he 
had well tired us, the boy that attended him struck 
two or three smart blows on the floor, at which the 
hobgoblin seemed surprised, and on repeating them 
he jumped fairly out of doors and disappeared. 

I suppose this was to divert us and get some to- 
bacco for himself, for as he danced about he would 
hold out his hand to any he came by to receive this 
gratification, and as often as any one gave it he 
would return an awkward compliment. By this time 
I found it no new diversion to any one but myself ; 
and after the farce we endeavored to compose our- 
selves to sleep. 



Douglass 
was a New 
England doc- 
tor who wrote 
a rambling 
book about 
everything in 
America. 



This is a mis- 
take. 



26. Esquimaux and their Children 

By William Douglass (1749) 

The Esquimaux are a particular kind of American 
savages, who live only near the water, and never far 
in the country, on Terra Labrador, between the most 
outward point of the mouth of the river St. Lawrence 
and Hudson's bay. 

The Esquimaux are entirely different from the 
Indians of North-America, in regard to their com- 
plexion and their language. They are almost as 
white as Europeans, and have little eyes : the men 
have likewise beards. The Indians, on the contrary, 
are copper-colored, and the men have no beards. 

Their houses are either caverns or clefts in the 
mountains, or huts of turf above ground. They 
never sow or plant vegetables, living chiefly on 
various kinds of whales, on seals, and walruses. 



No. 26] 



Esquimaux 



77 



Sometimes they likewise catch land animals, on 
which they feed. They eat most of their meat quite 
raw. Their drink is water ; and people have likewise 
seen them drinking the, sea-water which was like 
brine. 

Their shoes, stockings, breeches, and jackets, are 
made of seal-skins well prepared, and sewed together 
with sinews of whales, which may be twisted like 
threads, and are very tough. Their clothes, the 
hairy side of which is turned outwards, are sewed 
together so well, that they can go up to their shoul- 
ders in the water without wetting their under clothes. 
Under their upper clothes, they wear shirts and waist- 
coats made of sealskin, prepared so well as to be 
quite soft. 

I saw one of their women's dresses ; a cap, a waist- 
coat, and coat, made all of one piece of seal-skin 
well prepared, soft to the touch, and the hair on the 
outside. There is a long train behind at their coats, 
which scarce reach them to the middle of the thigh 
before ; under it they wear breeches and boots, all of 
one piece. 

The shirt I saw was likewise made of a very soft 
seal's skin. The Esquimaux women are said to be 
handsomer than any of the American Indian women, 
and their husbands are accordingly more jealous in 
proportion. 

I have likewise seen an Esquimaux boat. The 
outside of it consists entirely of skins, the hair of 
which has been taken off; and the sides of the skins 
on which they were inserted are turned outwards, and 
feel as smooth as vellum. The boat was near four- 
teen feet long, but very narrow, and very sharp- 
pointed at the extremities. 



The present 
Esquimaux 
dress is the 



78 



The Indians [no. 26 



This is the In the inside of the boat they place two or three 

kayack. \\{y(\ boards, which give a kind of form to the boat. 

It is quite covered with skins at the top, excepting, 
near one end, a hole big enough for a single person 
to sit and row in, and keep his thighs and legs under 
the deck. The figure of the hole resembles a semi- 
circle, the base or diameter of which is turned 
towards the larger end of the boat. The hole is 
surrounded with wood, on which a soft folded skin is 
fastened with straps at its upper end. 

When the Esquimaux makes use of his boat, he 
puts his legs and thighs under the deck, sits down at 
the bottom of the boat, draws the skin before-men- 
tioned around his body, and fastens it well with the 
straps. The waves may then beat over his boat with 
considerable violence, and not a single drop comes 
into it ; the clothes of the Esquimaux keep the wet 
from him. He has an oar in his hand, which has a 
paddle at each end ; it serves him for rowing, and 
keeps the boat balanced during a storm. The boat 
will contain but a single person. Esquimaux have 
often been found safe in their boats many miles from 
land, in violent storms, where ships found it difficult 
to save themselves. Their boats float on the waves 
like bladders, and they row them with incredible 
velocity. They have boats of different shapes. 
They have Hkewise larger boats of wood covered 
with leather, in which several people may sit, and in 
which their women commonly go to sea. 

Bows and arrows, javelins and harpoons, are their 
arms. With the harpoons they kill whales, and other 
large marine animals. The points of their arrows 
and harpoons are sometimes made of iron, sometimes 
of bone, and sometimes of the teeth of the walrus. 



No. 26] Esquimaux 7 9 

Their quivers are made of seal-skin. The needles 
with which they sew their clothes are likewise made 
of iron, or of bone. All their iron they get, by some 
means or other, from the Europeans. 

They sometimes go on board the European ships, 
in order to exchange some of their goods for knives 
and other iron. But it is not advisable for Europeans 
to go on shore, unless they be numerous ; for the 
Esquimaux are false and treacherous, and cannot 
suffer strangers among them. 

If they find themselves too weak, they run away 
at the approach of strangers ; but if they think they 
are an over-match for them, they kill all that come 
in their way, without leaving a single one alive. The 
Europeans, therefore, do not venture to let a greater 
number of Esquimaux come on board their ships 
than they can easily master. If they are ship- 
wrecked on the Esquimaux coasts, they may as well 
be drowned in the sea as come safe to the shore : 
this fate many Europeans have experienced. 

The European boats and ships which the Esqui- 
maux get into their power, are immediately cut in 
pieces, and robbed of all nails and other iron, which 
they work into knives, needles, arrowheads, &c. 
They make use of fire for no other purposes but 
working iron, and preparing the skins of animals. 
Their meat is eaten all raw. 

When they come on board a European ship, and 
are offered some of the sailors' meat, they never will 
taste of it till they have seen some Europeans eat it. 
Though nothing pleases other savage nations so much 
as brandy, yet many Frenchmen have assured me 
that they never could prevail on the Esquimaux to 
take a dram of it. Their mistrust of other nations 



8o The Indians [no. 26 

is the cause of it ; for they undoubtedly imagine that 
they are going to poison them, or do them some hurt ; 
and I am not certain whether they do not judge right 

They have no earrings, and do not paint the face 
like the American Indians. For many centuries past 
they have had dogs whose ears are erected, and never 
hang down. They make use of them for hunting, 
and instead of horses in winter, for drawing their 
goods on the ice. 

They themselves sometimes ride in sledges drawn 
by dogs. They have no other domestic animals. 
There are indeed plenty of reindeer in their country : 
but it is not known that either the Esquimaux or any 
of the Indians in America, have ever tamed them. 

For the use of those who are fond of comparing 
the languages of several nations, I have here inserted 
a few Esquimaux words, communicated to me by the 
Jesuit Saint Pie. One, kojubuc ; two, tigal; three, ke ; 
four, missilagat ; water, sillalokto ; rain, killahcck ; 
heaven, taktnck, or nabngakshe ; the sun, sJiikonak, or 
sakakmtk; the moon, takock; an ^gg, viannegiik; the 
boat, kagack ; the oar, pacotick; the knife, shavie ; a 
dog, mekke, or timilok ; the how, petiksick ; and arrow, 
katso ; the head, niakock ; the ear, tchitc ; the qjq, kil- 
lik, or shik; the hair, nutshad; a tooth, ukak ; the 
foot, itikat. Some think that they are nearly the 
same nation with the Greenlanders, or S kra lingers ; 
and pretend that there is a great affinity in the lan- 
guage. 



No. 27] 



Indian Fighters 



81 



27. On the War Path 

By Peter Kalm (1749) 

July 5th. Whilst we were at dinner, we several 
times heard a repeated disagreeable outcry, at some 
distance from the fort, in the river Woodcreek : Mr. 
Lusignan, the governor, told us this cry was no good 
omen, because he 
could conclude 
from it that the 
Indians, whom he 
escaped near Fort 
Anne, had com- 
pleted their design 
of revenging the 
death of one of 
their brethren upon 
the English. Their 
shouts showed that 
they had killed an 

-r^ ,. , AN INDIAN SAMP BOWL. (KING PHILIPS'S.) 

iinglishman. 

As soon as I came to the window, I saw their boat, 
with a long pole at one end, on the extremity of which 
they had put a bloody skull. As soon as they were 
landed, we heard that their party, six in number, had 
continued their journey (from the place where we had 
marks of their passing the night), till they came 
within the English boundaries. There they found a 
man and his son employed in mowing the corn. 

They crept on towards this man, and shot him dead 

upon the spot. This happened near the very village, 

where the English, two years before, killed the brother 

of one of these Indians, who were then gone out to 

G 81 




Not many 
people ever 
got so near a 
murder by 
the Indians 
without being 
themselves 
murdered. 



8 2 The Indians [no. 27 

attack them. According to their custom the Indians 
cut off the skull of the dead man, and took it with 
them, together with his clothes and his son, who was 
about nine years old. 

As soon as they came within a mile of Fort St. 
Frederic, they put the skull on a pole, in the fore part 
of the boat, and shouted as a sign of their success. 
They were dressed in shirts as usual, but some of them 
had put on the dead man's clothes, one his coat, the 
other his breeches, another his hat. Their faces 
were painted with vermiUion, with which their shirts 
were marked across the shoulders. 

Most of them had great rings in their ears, which 
seemed to be a great inconvenience to them, as they 
were obliged to hold them when they leaped, or did 
anything which required a violent motion. Some of 
them had girdles of the skins of rattlesnakes, with the 
rattles on them. The son of the murdered man had 
nothing but his shirt, breeches and cap, and the Indians 
had marked his shoulders with red. 

When they got on shore, they took hold of the pole 
on which the skull was put, and danced and sung at 
the same time. Their view in taking the boy, was to 
carry him to their habitations, to educate him instead 
of their dead brother, and afterwards to marry him to 
one of their relations. 

Notwithstanding they had perpetrated this act of 
violence in time of peace, contrary to the command of 
the governor in Montreal, and to the advice of the 
governor of St. Frederic, yet the latter could not at 
present deny them provisions, and whatever they 
wanted for their journey, because he did not think 
it advisable to exasperate them. 

When they came to Montreal, the governor called 



No. 28] 



Indian Money 



83 



them to account for this action, and took the boy from 
them, whom he afterwards sent to his relations. Mr. 
Lusignan asked them, what they woiikl have done to 
me and my companions, if they had met us in the 
desert .'* They repUed, that as it was their chief in- 
tention to take their revenge on the EngHshmen in 
the village where their brother was killed, they would 
have let us alone. It much depended on the humor 
they were in, just at the time when we first came 
to their sight. However, the commander and all the 
Frenchmen said, that what had happened to me was 
infinitely safer and better. 



28. Wampum 

By Peter Kalm (1749) 

Among the numerous shells which are found on the 
seashore, there are some which by the English here 
are called clams, and which bear some resemblance to 
the human ear. They have a considerable thickness, 
and are chiefly white, excepting the pointed end, which 
both without and within has a blue color, between 
purple and violet. 

They are met with in vast numbers on the seashore 
of New York, Long Island, and other places. The 
shells contain a large animal, which is eaten both by 
the Indians and Europeans settled here. 

A considerable commerce is carried on in this 
article, with such Indians as live farther up the 
country. When these people inhabited the coast, 
they were able to catch their own clams, which at 
that time made a great part of their food ; but at 



Wampum 
was the only 
thing Hke 
money that 
the Indians 
had ; but 
they traded 
skins with 
each other, 
and at the 
white settle- 



84 



The Indians [no. 28 



present this is the business of the Dutch and English 
who live in Long Island and other maritime provinces. 

As soon as the shells are caught, the fish is taken 
out of them, drawn upon a wire, and hung up in the 
open air, in order to dry by the heat of the sun. 
When this is done, the flesh is put into proper vessels, 
and carried to Albany upon the river Hudson ; there 
the Indians buy them, and reckon them one of their 
best dishes. 

Besides the Europeans, many of the native Indians 
come annually down to the seashore, in order to catch 
clams, proceeding with them afterwards in the manner 
I have just described. 

The shells of these clams are used by the Indians 
as money, and make what they call their wampum ; 
they likewise serve their women for an ornament, 
when they intend to appear in full dress. These 
wampums are properly made of the purple parts of 
the shells, which the Indians value more than the 
white parts. 

A traveller, who goes to trade with the Indians, and 
is well stocked with them, may become a considerable 
gainer; but if he take gold coin, or bullion, he will 
undoubtedly be a loser; for the Indians, who live 
farther up the country, put little or no value upon 
these metals which we reckon so precious, as I have 
frequently observed in the course of my travels. 

The Indians formerly made their own wampum, 
though not without a deal of trouble ; but at present 
the Europeans employ themselves that way; especially 
the inhabitants of Albany, who get a considerable 
profit by it. 



No. 29] Building Canoes 



85 



29. How to Build a Bark Canoe 

By Peter Kalm (1749) 

About two o'clock this afternoon we arrived at 
Fort Anne. We stayed here all this day, and the 
next, in order to make a new boat of bark, because 
there was no possibility of going down the river 
without it. 

The making of our boat took up half yesterday, 
and all this day. To make such a boat, they pick 
out a thick tall elm, with a smooth bark, and with as 
few branches as possible. This tree is cut down, and 
great care is taken to prevent the bark from being 
hurt by falling against other trees, or against the 
ground. For this reason some people do not cut 
down the trees, but climb to the top of them, split 
the bark, and strip it off, which was the method our 
carpenter took. The bark is split on one side, in a 
straight line along the tree, as long as the boat is in- 
tended to be ; at the same time, the bark is carefully 
cut off a Httle way on both sides of the slit, that it 
may more easily separate. 

The bark is then peeled off very carefully, and par- 
ticular care is taken not to make any holes in it ; this 
is easy when the sap is in the trees, and at other sea- 
sons the tree is heated by the fire, :^or that purpose. 
The bark thus stripped off is spread on the ground, 
in a smooth place, turning the inside downwards, and 
the rough outside upwards ; and to stretch it better, 
some logs of wood or stones are carefully put on it, 
which press it down. Then the sides of the bark are 
gently bent upwards, in order to form the sides of the 
boat ; some sticks are then fixed into the ground, at 



The birch- 
bark canoe, 
the most 
ingenious 
and most 
beautiful of 
the Indian's 
inventions, 
was so broad 
that it could 
float in shal- 
low streams, 
and so light 
that one man 
could easily 
carry it from 
one stream 
across the 
portage 
to the next 
stream. 



86 The Indians [no. 29 

the distance of three or four feet from each other, in 
the curved line, which the sides of the boat are in- 
tended to make, supporting the bark intended for the 
sides. The sides of the bark are then bent in the 
form which the boat is to have, and according to that 
form the sticks are either put nearer or further off. 

The ribs of the boat are made of thick branches of 
hickory, which are tough and pliable. They are cut 
into several flat pieces, about an inch thick, and bent 
into the form which the ribs require, according to 
their places in the broader or narrower part of the 
boat. When thus bent, they are put across the boat, 
upon the back, or its bottom, pretty close, about ten 
inches from each other. 

The upper edge on each side of the boat is made 
of two thin poles, of the length of the boat, which are 
put close together, on the side of the boat, and are 
flat, where they are to be joined. The edge of the 
bark is put between these two poles, and sewed up 
with threads, mouse-wood bark, or other tough bark, 
or with roots. 

But before it is thus sewed up, the ends of the ribs 
are likewise put between the two poles on each side, 
taking care to keep them at some distance from each 
other. After that is done, the poles are sewed to- 
gether, and when bent properly, both their ends join 
at each end of the boat, where they are tied together 
with ropes. To prevent the widening of the boat at 
the top, three or four bands are put across it, from 
one edge to the other, at the distance of thirty or 
forty inches from each other. 

These bands are commonly made of hickory, on 
account of its toughness and flexibility, and have 
a good length. The ends are put through the bark 



No. 29] 



Building Canoes 



87 



on both sides, just below the poles which make the 
edges ; they are bent up above those poles and twisted 
round the middle part of the bands, where they are 
carefully tied by ropes. As the bark at the two ends 
of the boat cannot be put so close together as to keep 
the water out, the crevices are stopped up with the 
crushed or pounded bark of the red elm. Some pieces 









A BIRCH CANOE. 



of bark are put upon the ribs in the boat, without 
which the foot would easily wear through the thin 
and weak bark below, which forms the bottom of the 
boat. 

For better security some thin boards are commonly 
laid at the bottom, which may be trod upon with more 
safety. The side of the bark which has been upon 
the wood, thus becomes the outside of the boat, be- 



88 The Indians [no. 29 

cause it is smooth and slippery, and cuts the water 
more easily than the other. The building of these 
boats is not always quick ; for sometimes it happens 
that after peeling the bark off an elm, and carefully 
examining it, it is found pierced with holes and splits, 
or it is too thin to venture one's life in. 

In such a case another elm must be looked for; 
and it sometimes happens that several elms must 
be stripped of their bark, before one is found fit for 
a boat. That which we made was big enough to bear 
four persons, with our baggage, which weighed some- 
what more than a man. 

All possible care must be taken in rowing on the 
rivers and lakes of these parts with a boat of bark. 
For as the rivers, and even the lakes, contain num- 
bers of broken trees, which are commonly hidden 
under the water, the boat may easily run against a 
sharp branch. This would tear half the boat away, 
if you rowed on very fast. The people in it would be 
in great danger, where the water is very deep, espe- 
cially if such a branch held the boat. 

To get into such a dangerous boat must be done 
with great care, and for the greater safety, without 
shoes. For with the shoes on, and still more with a 
sudden leap into the boat, the heels may easily pierce 
through the bottom of the boat. This might some- 
times be attended with very disagreeable circum- 
stances, especially when the boat is near a rock, and 
close to a sudden depth of water ; and such places 
are common in the lakes and rivers here. 



No. 30] An Indian King 



89 



30, Indian Speeches 

By George Washington (1754) 

About two miles from this, on the southeast side 
of the river, Uves Shingiss, King of the Delawares. 
We called upon him to invite him to a council at 
Logstown. Shingiss attended us to Logstown. As 
soon as I 
came into 
town I went 
to Monaca- 
toocha ( as 
the Half- 
King was 
out hunt- 
ing). I in- 
formed him" 
that I was 
sent as a 

messenger to the French gen- 
eral, and was ordered to visit 
the sachems of the Six Nations 
so that they might know my 
errand. 

I gave him a string of wampum and a twist of 
tobacco, and desired him to send for the Half-King, 
and for other sachems, which he promised to do by 
a runner in the morning. I invited him and the other 
great men present to my tent, where they stayed about 
an hour, and returned. 

About three o'clock this evening, the Half-King 
came to town. I went up and invited him, with an 
interpreter, privately to my tent. I desired him to 




AN INDIAN HEAD-DRESS. 



Washington, 
then only 
twenty-two 
years old, 
was sent out 
by the British 
to warn the 
French not to 
build forts 
on the 
Allegheny 
and Ohio 
rivers. 

Half-King, 
a famous 
Indian chief. 



In dealing 
with the 
Indians pres- 
ents always 
must be 
given. 



go 



T/je Indians 



[No. 30 



In confer- 
ence with 
other Ind- 
ians, or with 
white men, 
the Indians 
gave symboli- 
cal presents, 
— a hatchet 
for war, a 
belt for peace, 
etc. 



That is, the 
French com- 
mander said 
that the Ind- 
ians had 
accepted 
wampum 



relate some of the particulars of his journey to the 
French commandant, and of his reception there. 

When he went to the fort, he said he was received 
in a very stern manner by the late commander, who 
asked him very abruptly what he had come about 
and told him to declare his business. So the Half- 
King said he made the following speech : — - 

*' Fathers, I am come to tell you your own speeches, 
what your own mouths have declared. 

*' Fathers, in former days you set a silver dish 
before us, wherein there was a leg of a beaver. You 
desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat 
in peace and plenty and not to be churlish to one 
another. 

" And you said that if any such disturbing person 
should be found, you there laid down, by the edge of 
the dish, a rod with which you would scourge them. 

*' And you said that if your own father should get 
fooHsh in your old days, you desired that we might 
use it upon you as well as on others. 

'' Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in 
this land, by coming and building your towns, and 
taking our land away unknown to us and by force. 

" The Great Being above allowed the land to be a 
place of residence for us. So, fathers, I desire you 
to withdraw, just as I have desired our brothers the 
English to withdraw, for I will keep you at arm's 
length. 

*' I am not afraid to send you off this land." 

The French general made this reply : — 

" Now, my child, I have heard your speech ; you 
spoke first but it is my time to speak now. Where is 
my wampum that you took away with the marks of 
towns on it ? This new wampum with which you 



No. 31] Trarie and T?^ uppers 9 i 



have ordered me off the land, I do not know that 
wampum. But you need not put yourself to the 
trouble of speaking, for I will not hear you. 

'' I am not afraid of flies or mosquitoes, for that is 
what Indians are. I tell you I will go down the Ohio 
river and build upon it according to my command. 

*' If the river should be blocked up, I have forces 
sufficient to burst it open and tread under my feet all 
that oppose me, together with their allies. My force 
is as the sand upon the sea shore. Therefore here is 
your wampum; I sling it at you. 

" If people will be ruled by me they may expect 
kindness, but not otherwise." 



from the 
French 
towns, and 
therefore 
could not 
complain of 
them. 



31. How the Trader Fleeced the 
Indian 

By Mrs. Anne Grant (about 1740) 

Indian. — "Brother, I am come to trade with you; 
but I forewarn you to be more moderate in your de- 
mands than formerly." 

Trader. — ** Why, brother, are not my goods of equal 
value with those you had last year.'^ " 

Indian. — " Perhaps they may be ; but mine are 
more valuable now because more scarce. The Great 
Spirit who has withheld from you strength and ability 
to provide food and clothing for yourselves, has given 
you cunning and art to make guns and provide scaura; 
and by speaking smooth words to simple men, when 
they have swallowed madness, you have by little and 
little purchased their hunting grounds, and made them 



" Scaura " is 
the Indian 
name for 
rum. 



92 



The Indians 



[No. 31 



Le. the 
month when 
sturgeon 
were plenty. 



corn lands. Thus the beavers grew more scarce, 
and the deer flee farther back ; yet after I have re- 
served skins to buy my blanket and the clothing of 
my wife, I will exchange the rest." 

Trader. — " Be it so, brother : I came not to wrong 
you, or to take your furs against your will. It is true 
the beavers are few, and you go further for them. 
Come, brother, let us deal fair first, and smoke friendly 
afterwards. Your last gun cost fifty beaver skins ; 
you shall have this for forty ; and you shall give 
marten and racoon skins in the same proportion for 
powder and shot." 

Indian. — "Well, brother, that is fair. Now for 
two silver bracelets, with long pendent ear-rings of the 
same, such as you sold to Cardarani in the sturgeon- 
month last year, how much will you demand } " 

Trader. — " The skins of two deer for the bracelets, 
and those of two fawns for the ear-rings." 

Indian. — " That is a great deal ; but wampum 
grows scarce, and silver never rusts. Here are the 
skins." 

Trader. — '' Do you buy any more } Here are 
knives, hatchets, and beads of all colours." 

hidian. — "I will have a knife and a hatchet ; but 
must not take more ; the rest of the skins will be 
little enough to clothe the women and children, and 
buy wampum. Your beads are of no value, no -war- 
rior who has slain a wolf will wear them." 

Trader. — *' Here are many things good for you, 
which you have not skins to buy ; here is a looking- 
glass, and here is a brass kettle, in which your woman 
may boil her maize, her beans, and above all her maple 
sugar. Here are silver brooches, and here are pistols 
for the youths." 



No. 31] Trade and Trappers 



93 



Indian. — "" The skins I can spare will not purchase 
them." 

Trader. — " Your will determines, brother; but next 
year you will want nothing but powder and shot, for 
you have already purchased your gun and ornaments. 
If you will purchase from me a blanket to wrap round 
you, a shirt and blue stroud for garments for yourself 




A FUR trader's CAMP. 

and your woman ; and the same for leggings, this will 
pass the time, and save you the great labour of 
dressing the skins, and making the thread for your 
clothing : which will give you more fishing and shoot- 
ing time, in the sturgeon and bear months." 
Indian. — '' But the custom of my fathers ! " 
Trader. — " You will not break the custom of your 
fathers, by being thus clad for a single year. They 
did not refuse those things which were never offered 
to them." 



94 



The Indians 



[No. 32 



Then the 
poor Indian 
gets very 
drunk and 
sells his 
valuables .for 
a trifle. 



hidian. — "For this year, brother, I will exchange 
my skins ; in the next I shall provide apparel more 
befitting a warrior. One pack alone I will reserve to 
dress for a future occasion. The summer must not 
find a warrior idle." 

Trader. — " The governor has forbid bringing 
scaura to steal away the wisdom of the warriors ; but 
we white men are weak and cold ; we brings kegs for 
ourselves, lest death arise from the swamps. We 
will not sell scaura ; but you shall taste some of ours 
in return for the venison with which you have feasted 
us." 

Indian. — ** Brother, we will drink moderately." 



32 



How Mackinac was taken and 
Detroit was saved 



Carver made 
a tour among 
the Indians 
of the far 
Northwest, 
and learned 
to know them 
well. 



By Jonathan Carver (1764) 

MiCHiLLiMACKiNAc, from whcucc I began my 
travels, is a fort composed of a strong stockade, and 
is usually defended by a garrison of one hundred 
men. It contains about thirty houses, one of which 
belongs to the Governor, and another to the Commis- 
sary. Several traders also dwell within its fortifica- 
tions, who find it a convenient situation to traffic with 
the neighbouring nations. 

Michillimackinac, in the language of the Chipeway 
Indians, signifies a Tortoise ; and the place is sup- 
posed to receive its name from an island, lying about 
six or seven miles to the north-east, within sight of 
the fort, which has the appearance of that animal. 



No. 32] Pontiac 95 

During the Indian war that followed soon after the 
conquest of Canada in the year 1763, under the direc- 
tion of Pontiac, a celebrated Indian warrior, it was 
taken by surprise in the following manner. 

The Indians having settled their plan, drew near 
the fort, and began a game at ball, a pastime much 
used among them, and not unUke tennis. In the 
height of their game, at which some of the English 
officers, not suspecting any deceit, stood looking on, 
they struck the ball, as if by accident, over the stock- 
ade ; this they repeated two or three times, to make 
the deception more complete. 

At length, having by this means lulled every 
suspicion of the sentry of the south gate, a party 
rushed by him ; and the rest soon following, they took 
possession of the fort, without meeting with any 
opposition. Their design accompHshed, the Indians 
had the humanity to spare the lives of the greatest part 
of the garrison and traders, but they made them all 
prisoners, and carried them off. However, some time 
after they took them to Montreal, where they were 
redeemed at a good price. 

Pontiac, under whom the party that surprised Fort 
MichilHmackinac acted, was an enterprising chief or 
head-warrior of the Miames. He collected an army 
of confederate Indians to renew the war. However, 
instead of openly attacking the English settlements, 
he laid a scheme for taking by surprise those distant 
forts. To get into his hands Detroit, a place of 
greater consequence, and much better guarded, re- 
quired greater resolution, and more consummate art. 

He of course took the management of this expedi- 
tion on himself, and drew near it with the principal 
body of his troops. He was however, prevented from 



96 



The Indians [no. 32 



carrying his design into execution, by an apparently 
trivial and unforeseen circumstance. On such does 
the fate of mighty Empires frequently depend ! 

The town of Detroit, when Pontiac formed his plan, 
was garrisoned by about three hundred men com- 
manded by Major Gladwyn, a gallant officer. As at 
that time every appearance of war was at an end, and 
the Indians seemed to be on a friendly footing, Pon- 
tiac therefore approached the Fort, without exciting 
any suspicions in the breast of the governor or the 
inhabitants. 

He encamped at a little distance from it, and sent 
to let the commandant know that he was come to 
trade; and from a wish to strengthen the chain of 
peace between the English and his nation, desired 
that he and his chiefs might be admitted to hold a 
council with him. The governor, still unsuspicious, 
and not in the least doubting the sincerity of the Ind- 
ians, granted their general's request, and fixed on the 
next morning for their reception. 

The evening of that day, an Indian woman who had 
been employed by Major Gladwyn to make him a 
pair of Indian shoes, out of curious elk-skin, brought 
them home. The Major was so pleased with them, 
that he wanted to keep these as a present for a friend, 
and ordered her to take the remainder of the skin 
back, and make it into other shoes for himself. 

He then directed his servant to pay her for what 
she had done, and dismissed her. The woman went 
to the door that led to the street but no further ; she 
there loitered about as if she had not finished the 
business on which she came. A servant at length 
observed her, and asked her why she stayed there ; 
but she gave him no answer. 



No. 32] Pontiac 



97 



Some short time after, the governor himself saw 
her ; and enquired of his servant what occasioned her 
stay. Not being able to get a satisfactory answer, he 
ordered the woman to be called in. When she came 
into his presence he desired to know why she loitered 
about, and did not hasten home before the gates were 
shut, that she might complete in due time the work 
he had given her to do. 

She told him, after much hesitation, that as he had 
always behaved with great goodness towards her, she 
was unwilling to take away the remainder of the skin, 
because he put so great a value upon it ; and yet had 
not been able to prevail upon herself to tell him so. 
He then asked her, why she was more reluctant to 
do so now, than she had been when she made the 
former pair. With increased reluctance she answered, 
that she never should be able to bring them back. 

His curiosity was now excited, and he insisted on her 
disclosing to him the secret that seemed to be strug- 
gling in her bosom for utterance. At last, on receiv- 
ing a promise that the intelHgence she was about to 
give him should not turn to her prejudice, and that 
if it appeared to be beneficial, she should be rewarded 
for it, she informed him that at the council to be held 
with the Indians the following day, Pontiac and his 
chiefs intended to murder him ; and, after having 
massacred the garrison and inhabitants, to plunder 
the town. 

That for this purpose all the chiefs who were ad- 
mitted into the council-room, had cut their guns short, 
so that they could conceal them under their blankets; 
another, at a signal given by their general, on de- 
livering the belt they were all to rise up, and instantly 
to fire on him and his attendants. Then they were to 



98 



The Indians [No. 32 



rush into the town, where they would find themselves 
supported by a great number of their warriors, that 
were to come into it during the sitting of the council, 
under pretence of trading, but privately armed in the 
same manner. Having gained from the woman every 
necessary particular relative to the plot, and also of 
the means by which she acquired a knowledge of 
them, he dismissed her with injunctions of secrecy, 
and a promise of fulfilling on his part with punctuality 
the engagements he had entered into. 

The intelligence the governor had just received, 
gave him great uneasiness ; and he immediately con- 
sulted the officer who was next to him in command 
on the subject. But that gentleman considered the 
information as a story invented for some artful pur- 
pose, and advised him to pay no attention to it. 

This conclusion, however, had happily no weight 
with him. He thought it prudent to conclude it to be 
true, till he was convinced that it was not so ; and 
therefore, without revealing his suspicions to any 
other person, he took every needful precaution that 
the time would admit of. He walked round the fort 
during the whole night, and saw himself that every 
sentinel was on duty, and every weapon of defence in 
proper order. 

As he traversed the ramparts which lay nearest to 
the Indian camp, he heard them in high festivity, and, 
little imagining that their plot was discovered, proba- 
bly pleasing themselves with the anticipation of their 
success. As soon as the morning dawned, he ordered 
all the garrison under arms ; and then imparted his 
apprehensions to a few of the principal officers, and 
gave them such directions as he thought necessary. 

At the same time he sent round to all the traders, 



No. 32] Pontiac 99 

to inform them that as it was expected a great num- 
ber of Indians would enter the town that day, who 
might be inclined to plunder, he desired they would 
have their arms ready, and repel every attempt of 
that kind. 

About ten o'clock, Pontiac and his chiefs arrived; 
and were conducted to the council-chamber, where the 
governor and his principal officers, each with pistols 
in their belts, awaited his arrival. As the Indians 
passed on, they could not help observing that a greater 
number of troops than usual were drawn up on the 
parade, or marching about. 

No sooner were they entered, and seated on the 
skins prepared for them, than Pontiac asked the gov- 
ernor for what occasion his young men, meaning the 
soldiers, were thus drawn up, and parading the streets. 
He received for answer, that it was only intended to 
keep them perfect in their exercise. 

The Indian chief-warrior now began his speech, 
which contained the strongest professions of friend- 
ship and good will towards the English ; and when 
he came to the delivery of the belt of wampum, the 
particular sign which, according to the woman's in- 
formation, was to be the signal for his chiefs to fire, 
the governor and all his chiefs drew their swords half- 
way out of their scabbards. The soldiers at the same 
instant made a clattering with their arms before the 
doors, which had been purposely left open. 

Pontiac, though one of the boldest of men, immedi- 
ately turned pale, and trembled ; and instead of giv- 
ing the belt in the manner proposed, delivered it 
according to the usual way. His chiefs who had im- 
patiently expected the signal, looked at each other with 
astonishment, but continued quiet, waiting the result. 
L.ofe, 



lOO The Indians [no. 32 

The governor in his turn made a speech ; but in- 
stead of thanking the great warrior for the profes- 
sions of friendship he had just uttered, he accused 
him of being a traitor. He told him that the EngUsh, 
who knew every thing, were convinced of his treachery 
and villainous designs. 

As a proof that they were well acquainted with 
his most secret thoughts and intentions, he stepped 
towards the Indian chief that sat nearest to him, and 
drawing aside his blanket, discovered the shortened 
firelock. This entirely disconcerted the Indians, and 
frustrated their design. 

He then continued to tell them, that as he had given 
his word at the time they desired an audience, that 
their persons should be safe, he would hold his prom- 
ise inviolable, though they so little deserved it. 
However, he advised them to make the best of their 
way out of the fort, lest his young men, acquainted 
with their treacherous purposes, should cut every one 
of them to pieces. 

Pontiac tried to deny the accusation, and to make 
excuses for his suspicious conduct, but the governor 
was satisfied of the falsity of his protestations, and 
would not listen to him. The Indians immediately 
left the fort, but instead of being sensible of the gov- 
ernor's generous behaviour, they threw off the mask, 
and the next day made a regular attack upon it. 



one of the 
earliest white 
settlers in 



fight with 
wild animals 
and wild 
men. He 



No. 33] Daniel Boone i o i 

33. On the Dark and Bloody 
Ground 

By Daniel Boone (i 769-1 775) 

It was on the first of May, in the year 1769, that I Boone was 
resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left 
my family and peaceable habitation on the Yadkin 
River, in North Carolina, to wander through the wil- Kentucky, 
derness of America, in quest of the country of Ken- 
tucky, in company with John Finley, John Stewart, 
Joseph Holden, James Monay, and William Cool. 

We proceeded successfully, and after a long and wrote this 
tiresome iournev through a mountainous wilderness, ^"^^^^f'^i'^ 

11. . 1 11 TT life with the 

m a westward direction, on the seventh day 01 June help of an 

following, we found ourselves on Red-River, where educated 
John Finley had formerly gone trading with the 

Indians; and, from the top of an eminence, saw ^^^^l^J^^ 

with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky. Boone's leav- 

We found every where abundance of wild beasts '"^ ^^°'"f 

was the love 

of all sorts, through this vast forest. The buffalo of adventure 
were more frequent than I have seen cattle in the ^nd the sup- 
settlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or "^i^^^x^^ 
cropping the herbage on those extensive plains, fear- 
less, because ignorant, of the violence of man. Some- 
times we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers 
about the salt springs were amazing. 

As we ascended the brow of a small hill, near 
Kentucky River, a number of Indians rushed out of 
a thick cane-brake upon us, and made us prisoners. 
The time of our sorrow was now arrived, and the scene 
fully opened. They plundered us of what we had, and 
kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with 



I o 2 The Indians [no. 33 

common savage usage. During this time we showed 
no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them 
less suspicious of us. But in the dead of night, as we 
lay in a thick cane-brake by a large fire, when sleep 
had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing 
me for rest, I touched my companion and gently woke 
him. 

We improved this favorable opportunity, and de- 
parted, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily 
directed our course towards our old camp, but found it 
plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home. 

Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John 
Stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man 
that came with my brother returned home by himself. 
We were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, ex- 
posed daily to perils and death amongst savages and 
wild beasts, not a white man in the country but our- 
selves. 
This does not One day I undertook a tour through the country, 
and the diversity and beauties of nature I met with 
in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and 
vexatious thought. I laid me down to sleep, and I 
awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. 
I continued this tour, and in a few days explored a 
considerable part of the country, each day equally 
pleased as the first. 

I returned again to my old camp, which was not 
disturbed in my absence. I did not confine my lodg- 
ing to it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to 
avoid the savages, who, I believe, often visited my 
camp, but fortunately for me, in my absence. In this 
situation I was constantly exposed to danger and 
death. How unhappy such a situation for a man! 
Tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger 



seem much 
like a hunter 



No. 33] Daniel Boone 103 

comes. The prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal 
hours with perpetual hOwlings. 

In 1772 I returned safe to my old home, and found This is the 
my family in happy circumstances. I sold my farm ^^gnfor^ht 
on the Yadkin, and what goods we could not carry families west 
with us; and on the twenty-fifth day of September, oftheAUe- 

. o'ha.ny Moun- 

1773, bade a farewell to our friends, and proceeded Tains. 
on our journey to Kentucky, in company with five 
families more, and forty men that joined us in Pow- 
el's Valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from 
the now settled parts of Kentucky. 

This promising beginning was soon overcast with a The ind- 
cloud of adversity ; for upon the tenth day of Octo- ^^"^ ^"^^ 

r 111 that the 

ber, the rear oi our company was attacked by a num- white people 
ber of Indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. wanted their 
Of these my eldest son was one that fell in the action, .grounds. 

Though we defended ourselves, and repulsed the 
enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, . 
brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged 
the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to 
the settlement on Clench River. 

Within fifteen miles of where Boonsborough now 
stands, we were fired upon by a party of Indians that 
killed two, and wounded two of our number ; yet, 
although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we 
stood our ground. This was on the twentieth of 
March, 1775. 

Three days after, we were fired upon again, and 
had two men killed, and three wounded. Afterwards 
we proceeded on to Kentucky River without opposi- 
tion ; and on the first day of April began to erect the 
fort of Boonsborough at a salt lick, about sixty yards 
from the river, on the south side. On the fourth 
day, the Indians killed one of our men. 



I04 The Indians [no. 33 

In a short time, I proceeded to remove my family 
from Clench to this garrison ; where we arrived safe 
without any other difficulties than such as are com- 
mon to this passage, my wife and daughter being the 
first white women that ever stood on the banks of 
Kentucky River. On the twenty-fourth day of De- 
cember following, we had one man killed, and one 
wounded, by the Indians, who seemed determined to 
persecute us for erecting this fortification. 

On the fourteenth day of July, 1776, two of Col. 
Calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were taken 
prisoners near the fort. I immediately pursued the 
Indians, with only eight men, and on the sixteenth 
overtook them, killed two of the party, and recovered 
the girls. The same day on which this attempt was 
made, the Indians divided themselves into different 
parties, and attacked several forts, which were shortly 
before this time erected, doing a great deal of mis- 
chief. This was extremely distressing to the new 
settlers. The innocent husbandman was shot down, 
while busy in cultivating the soil for his family's sup- 
ply. Most of the cattle around the stations were 
destroyed. They continued their hostilities in this 
manner until the fifteenth of April, 1777, when they 
attacked Boonsborough with a party of above one 
hundred in number, killed one man, and wounded 
four. — Their loss in this attack was not certainly 
known to us. 

On the fourth day of July following, a. party of 
about two hundred Indians attacked Boonsborough, 
killed one man, and wounded two. They besieged 
us forty-eight hours ; during which time seven of them 
were killed, and, at last, finding themselves not likely 
to prevail, they raised the siege, and departed. 



No. 33] Daniel Boone 105 

The Indians had disposed their warriors in differ- 
ent parties at this time, and attacked the different 
garrisons to prevent their assisting each other, and 
did much injury to the distressed inhabitants. 

On the nineteenth day of this month, Col. Logan's 
fort was besieged by a party of about two hundred 
Indians. During this dreadful siege they did a great 
deal of mischief, distressed the garrison, in which were 
only fifteen men, killed two, and wounded one. 

This campaign in some measure damped the spirits 
of the Indians, and made them sensible of our supe- 
riority. Their connections were dissolved, their armies 
scattered, and a future invasion put entirely out of 
their power; yet they continued to practise mischief 
secretly upon the inhabitants, in the exposed parts of 
the country. 

In October following, a party made an excursion into 
that district called the Crab Orchard, and one of them, 
who was advanced some distance before the others, 
boldly entered the house of a poor defenceless family, 
in which was only a Negro man, a woman and her 
children, terrified with the apprehensions of immedi- 
ate death. The savage, perceiving their defenceless 
situation, without offering violence to the family, at- 
tempted to captivate the Negro, who happily proved 
an over-match for him, threw him on the ground, and, 
in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an 
axe from a corner of the cottage, and cut his head off, 
while her little daughter shut the door. The savages 
instantly appeared, and applied their tomahawks to 
the door. An old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, 
lay in a corner, which the mother put through a small 
crevice, and the savages, perceiving it, fled. In the 
mean time, the alarm spread through the neighbour- 



io6 The Indians [no. 34 

hood; the armed men collected immediately, and 
pursued the ravagers into the wilderness. Thus 
Providence, by the means of this Negro, saved the 
whole of the poor family from destruction. From 
that time, until the happy return of peace between 
the United States and Great Britain, the Indians did 
us no mischief. 

To conclude, I can now say that I have verified 
the saying of an old Indian who signed Col. Hender- 
son's deed. Taking me by the hand, at the delivery 
thereof, Brother, says he, we have given you a fine 
land, but I beUeve you will have much trouble in set- 
tling it. — My footsteps have often been marked with 
blood, and therefore I can truly subscribe to its orig- 
inal name. Two darling sons, and a brother, have 
I lost by savage hands, which have also taken from 
me forty valuable horses, and abundance of cattle. 
Many dark and sleepless nights have I been a com- 
panion for owls, separated from the cheerful society 
of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinched 
by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle 
the wilderness. But now the scene is changed : peace 
crowns the sylvan shade. 



34. Indian Games 

By Jonathan Carver (1766) 

The Indians are greatly addicted to gaming, and 
will even stake, and lose with composure, all the valu- 
ables they are possessed of. They amuse themselves 
at several sorts of games ; but the principal and most 

The game of cstccmed among them is that of the ball, which is not 

Lacrosse. unlike the European game of tennis. 



No. 34] Indian Games 107 

The balls they use are rather larger than those 
made use of at tennis, and are formed of a piece of 
deer-skin. It is moistened to render it supple, and 
then stuffed hard with the hair of the same creature, 
and sewed with its sinews. The ball-sticks are about 
three feet long ; at the end there is fixed a kind of 
racket, resembling the palm of the hand, and fashioned 
of thongs cut from a deer-skin. In these they catch 
the ball, and throw it to a great distance, if they are 
not prevented by some of the opposite party, who fly 
to intercept it. 

This game is generally played by large companies. The editor 
that sometimes consist of more than three hundred ; ^^^ himself 

' seen such a 

and it is not uncommon for different bands to play game among 
a2:ainst each other. ^'^^ ^'°"^ 

_., ,.,-,. 1-1 1 Indians. 

They begm by fixnig two poles m the ground at 
about six hundred yards apart, and one of these goals 
belong to each party of the combatants. The ball is 
thrown up high in the centre of the ground, and in 
a direct line between the goals : towards which each 
party endeavors to strike it. Whichever side first 
causes it to reach their own goal, reckons towards the 
game. 

They are so exceedingly dextrous in this manly 
exercise, that the ball is usually kept flying in different 
directions by the force of the rackets, without touch- 
ing the ground during the whole contention. They 
are not allowed to catch it with their hands. They 
run with amazing velocity in pursuit of each other. 
When one is on the point of hurfing it to a great dis- 
tance, an antagonist overtakes him, and by a sudden 
stroke dashes down the ball. 

They play with so much vehemence that they fre- 
quently wound each other, and sometimes a bone is 



io8 The Indians [no. 34 

broken. Notwithstanding these accidents, there 
never appears to be any spite or wanton exertions of 
strength to affect them ; nor do any disputes ever 
happen between the parties. 

There is another game also in use among them 
worthy of remark, and this is the game of the Bowl or 
Platter. This game is played between two persons 
only. Each person has six or eight little bones not 
unlike a peach stone either in size or shape, except 
that they are quadrangular. Two of the sides of 
these are colored black,* and the others white. These 
they throw up into the air, from whence they fall into 
a bowl or platter placed underneath, and made to 
spin round. 

According as these bones present the white or 
black side upwards they reckon the game. He that 
happens to have the greatest number turn up of a 
similar color, counts five points; and forty is the game. 
The winning party keeps his place, and the loser 
yields his to another who is appointed by one of the 
umpires. A whole village is sometimes concerned in 
the party, and at times one band plays against 
another. 

During this play the Indians appear to be greatly 
excited, and at every decisive throw set up a hideous 
shout. They make a thousand contortions, address- 
ing themselves at the same time to the bones, and 
loading with imprecations, the evil spirits that assist 
their successful antagonists. 

At this game some will lose their apparel, all the 
moveables of their cabins, and sometimes even their 
liberty; notwithstanding there are no people in the 
universe more jealous of their freedom than the 
Indians are. 



No. 35] 



An Indian Battle 



T09 



35. Defeated by the Indians 

By Daniel Boone (1782) 

Toward Spring, we were frequently harassed by- 
Indians ; and, in May, 1782, a party assaulted Ashton's 




DANIEL BOONE. 



Station, killed one man, and took a negro prisoner. 
Captain Ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued, and 
overtook the savages, and a smart fight ensued, which 
lasted two hours ; but as they were superior in num- 



I lO 



The Indians 



[No. 35 



Famous 
renegade 
white men. 



ber, they obliged Captain Ashton's party to retreat, 
with the loss of eight killed and four mortally 
wounded ; their brave commander himself was num- 
bered among the dead. 

The Indians continued their hostilities ; and, about 
the tenth of August following, two boys were taken 
from Major Hoy's station. This party was pursued 
by Capt. Holder and seventeen men, who were also 
defeated, with the loss of four men killed, and one 
wounded. Our affairs became more and more alarm- 
ing. Several stations which had lately been erected 
in the country were continually infested with savages, 
who stole the horses and killed the men at every 
opportunity. In a field, near Lexington, an Indian 
shot a man, and while running to scalp him, was him- 
self shot from the fort, and fell dead upon his enemy. 

Every day we experienced numerous mischiefs. 
The barbarous savage nations of Shawanese, Chero- 
kees, Wyandots, Tawas, Dela wares, and several others 
near Detroit, united in a war against us, and assembled 
their choicest warriors at old Chelicothe to go on the 
expedition, in order to destroy us, and entirely de- 
populate the country. Their savage minds were in- 
flamed to mischief by two abandoned men. Captains 
M'Kee and Girty, who led them to execute every 
diabolical scheme. 

On the fifteenth day of August, a party of about 
five hundred Indians and Canadians attacked Briant's 
station, five miles from Lexington. Without demand- 
ing a surrender, they furiously assaulted the garrison, 
which was happily prepared to oppose them ; and, 
after they had expended much ammunition in vain, 
and killed the cattle round the fort, seeing they were 
not likely to make themselves masters, they raised 



No. 35] An Indian Battle 1 1 i 

the siege, and departed in the morning of the third 
day after they came, with the loss of about thirty 
killed, and the number of wounded uncertain. — Of 
the garrison four were killed, and three wounded. 

On the eighteenth day Col. Todd, Col. Trigg, 
Major Ilarland, and myself, speedily collected one 
hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued 
the savages. They had marched beyond the Blue 
Licks to a remarkable bend of the main fork of Lick- 
ing River, about forty-three miles from Lexington, 
where we overtook them on the nineteenth day. The 
savages observed us and gave way ; while we, igno- 
rant of their numbers, passed over the river. 

The enemy saw our proceedings, as they had 
greatly the advantage of us in situation, and formed 
the Hne of battle, from one bend of Licking to the 
other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. An exceed- 
ing fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen 
minutes, when we were overpowered by numbers and 
obliged to retreat, with the loss of fifty-seven men, 
seven of whom were taken prisoners. The brave and 
much-lamented Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major Har- 
land, and my second son, were among the dead. We 
were informed that the Indians, on numbering their 
dead, found they had four killed more than we ; and 
therefore, four of the prisoners they had taken were, 
by general consent, ordered to be killed, in a most bar- 
barous manner, by the young warriors, in order to 
train them up to cruelty ; and then they proceeded to 
their towns. 

On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, hasten- 
ing to join us, with a number of well armed men. 
This powerful assistance we unfortunately wanted in 
the battle; for notwithstanding the enemy's superi- 



112 The Indians [no. 35 

ority of numbers, they acknowledged that if they 
had received one more fire from us, they would un- 
doubtedly have given way. So valiantly did our 
small party fight, that to the memory of those who 
unfortunately fell in the battle, enough of honour can- 
not be paid. Had Col. Logan and his party been 
with us, it is highly probable we should have given 
the savages a total defeat. 

I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sor- 
row fills my heart. A zeal for the defence of their 
country led these heroes to the scene of action, ready 
with a few men to attack a powerful army of experi- 
enced warriors. When we gave way, they pursued 
us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter 
spread destruction. The river was difficult to cross, 
and many were killed in the flight, some just entering 
the river, some in the water, others after crossing, in 
ascending the cliffs. Some escaped on horseback, a 
few on foot; and dispersed every where in a few 
hours, and brought the melancholy news of this un- 
fortunate battle to Lexington. Many widows were 
now made. The reader may guess what sorrow filled 
the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that 
I am able to describe. 

As soon as General Clark, then at the Falls of the 
Ohio, who was ever our ready friend, and merits the 
love and gratitude of all his countrymen, understood 
the circumstances of this unfortunate action, he 
ordered an expedition, with all possible haste, to pur- 
sue the savages. The plan was expeditiously effected, 
and we overtook them within two miles of their towns, 
and probably might have obtained a great victory, 
had not two of their number met us about two hun- 
dred rods before we came up. These returned quick 



No. 36] A Captive 113 

as lightening to their camp with the alarming news 
of a mighty army in view. The savages fled in the 
utmost disorder, evacuated their towns, and reluctantly 
left their territory to our mercy. Without opposition, 
we immediately took possession of Old Chelicothe, 
deserted by its inhabitants ; and then we continued our 
pursuit through five towns on the Miami rivers, Old 
Chelicothe, Pecaway, New Chelicothe, Will's Towns, 
and Chelicothe, burnt them all to ashes, entirely 
destroyed their corn, and other fruits, and everywhere 
spread a scene of desolation in the country. In this 
expedition we took seven prisoners and five scalps, 
with the loss of only four men, two of whom were 
accidentally killed by our own men. 



36. A Captive well treated by 
Indians 

By Daniel Boone (about 1780) 

For the space of six weeks, wc had skirmishes Considering 

with Indians, in one quarter or other, almost every |^^^^"Boone 

day. The savages now learned the superiority of bad done to 

the Long Knife, as they called the Virginians, by tjie Indians, 

experience ; for they were out-generalled in almost nt-ss to him 

every battle. Our affairs began to wear a new aspect, ^ht-n they 

, , - . held him in 

and the enemy, not darmg to venture on open war, their power 
practised secret mischief. was remark- 

On the first day of January, 1778, I went with 
a party of thirty men to the Blue Licks, on Licking 
River, to make salt for the different garrisons in the 
country. 



able. 



of Chilli 
cothe, Ohio. 



114. The Indians [No. 36 

On the 7th day of February, as I was hunting to 
procure meat for the company, I met with a party of 
one hundred and two Indians, and two Frenchmen, 
on their march against Boonsborough, a place particu- 
larly the object of the enemy. 

They pursued and took me; and brought me on 
the eighth day to the Licks, where were twenty-seven 
of my party, three of them having previously re- 
turned home with the salt. I knew it was impos- 
sible for them to escape, and arranged with the 
enemy to stand at a distance in their view, and give 
notice to my men of their situation, with orders not to 
resist, but to surrender themselves captives. 
Now the city The gcncrous usage the Indians had promised 
before in my capitulation, was afterwards fully com- 
plied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners 
to old ChiUcothe, the principal Indian town on Little 
Miami, where we arrived, after an uncomfortable 
journey in very severe weather, on the eighteenth 
day of February, and received as good treatment as 
prisoners could expect from savages. — On the tenth 
day of March following, I and ten of my men were 
conducted by forty Indians to Detroit, where we 
arrived the thirtieth day, and were treated by Gov- 
ernor Hamilton, the British commander at that post, 
with great humanity. 

During our travels, the Indians entertained me 
well ; and their affection for me was so great, that 
they utterly refused to leave me there with the 
others, although the Governor offered them one 
hundred pounds sterHng for me, on purpose to give 
me a parole to go home. Several English gentlemen 
there, sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched 
with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly 



No. 36] A Captive 115 

supply for my wants, which I refused, with many 
thanks for their kindness ; adding, that I never ex- 
pected it would be in my power to recompense such 
unmerited generosity. 

The Indians left my men in captivity with the 
British at Detroit, and on the tenth day of April 
brought me towards Old Chilicothe, where we arrived 
on the twenty-fifth day of the same month. This 
was a long and fatiguing march, through an exceed- 
ing fertile country, remarkable for fine springs and 
streams of water. At Chilicothe I spent my time as 
comfortably as I could expect ; was adopted, accord- 
ing to their custom, into a family, where I became 
a son, and had a great share in the affection of my 
new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. 

I was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, 
always appearing as chearful and satisfied as possible, 
and they put great confidence in me. I often went 
a hunting with them, and frequently gained their 
applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. 
I was careful not to exceed many of them in shoot- 
ing ; for no people are more envious than they in this 
sport. I could observe, in their countenances and 
gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they ex- 
ceeded me ; and, when the reverse happened, of envy. 

The Shawanese king took great notice of me, and 
treated me with profound respect, and entire friend- 
ship, often trusting me to hunt at my liberty. I fre- 
quently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as 
often presented some of what I had taken to him, 
expressive of duty to my sovereign. My food and 
lodging were in common with them ; not so good 
indeed as I could desire, but necessity made every 
thing acceptable. 



1 1 6 The Indians [no. 36 

I now began to meditate an escape, and carefully 
avoided their suspicions, continuing with them at Old 
Chilicothe until the first day of June following; then 
I was taken by them to the salt springs on Sciota, 
and kept there ten days, making salt. During this 
time I hunted for them, and found the land for a 
great extent about this river, better than the soil of 
Kentucky, if possible, and remarkably well watered. 

When I returned to Chilicothe, I was alarmed to 
see four hundred and fifty Indians, of their choicest 
warriors, painted and armed in a fearful manner, 
ready to march against Boonsborough, and I de- 
termined to escape on the first opportunity. 

On the sixteenth, before sun-rise, I departed in the 
most secret manner, and arrived at Boonsborough on 
the twentieth, after a journey of one hundred and 
sixty miles ; during which, I had but one meal. 

I found our fortress in a bad state of defence ; but 
we proceeded immediately to repair our flanks, 
strengthen our gates and posterns, and form double 
bastions, which we completed in ten days. All this 
time we daily expected the arrival of the Indian army; 
and at length, one of my fellow prisoners arrived, who 
had escaped from them, and informed us that the 
enemy had postponed their expedition three weeks on 
account of my departure. — The Indians had spies 
out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed 
with our increase in number and fortifications. The 
Grand Councils of the nations were held frequently, 
and with more deliberation than usual. They evidently 
saw the approaching hour when the Long Knife would 
dispossess them of their desirable habitations; and, 
anxiously concerned for futurity, determined utterly 
to extirpate the whites out of Kentucky. 




I 



A FLAT-BOAT. 



PART IV 

THE FRENCH AND THE INDIAN 
WARS 

37. The Casket Girls in Louisiana 

By Monsieur Dumont (1719) 

One day there arrived at Dauphin Island a vessel The early 
sent from France loaded with young women, a neces- French emi- 

1 . . , , . 1 . . ., , grants were 

sary shipment, without which it was impossible to for the most 
make any solid establishment in the country. There part men; 
were indeed on the island some married Canadians, giadTo^see 
who had children and even marriageable daughters, girls coming 
but they were old settlers, and looked upon as lords 
of the island. They had risen to wealth by trade 
either with Crozat's vessels or the Spaniards. One 
especially, named Trudeau, had a very pretty frame 
house, two stories high, covered with shingles. 

As soon as the young women were landed they 
were lodged in the same house, with a sentinel at the 
door. Leave was given to see them by day and make 
a selection, but as soon as it was dark, entrance to the 
house was forbidden to all persons. These girls were 
not long in being provided for and married. We may 
say that this first cargo did not suffice for the number 

119 



over to be 
their wives. 



I20 Fre?ich and Indian Wars [no. 37 

of suitors who came forward. The one who was left 
to the last, had nearly given rise to a very serious dis- 
pute between two young men, who wished to fight for 
her, although this Helen was anything but pretty, 
Soldier. having more the air of a guardsman than of a girl. 

The dispute coming to the ears of the commandant, 
he made the two draw lots to settle their quarrel. In 
fact, had as many girls as there were soldiers and 
workmen arrived at the time on the island, not one 
would have remained without a husband. 

After the first vessel loaded with young women 
several others arrived. All brought troops and me- 
chanics, so that Dauphin Island soon became too small 
to hold all that were sent there. This induced the 
commandant, who had been very long in the province 
and knew better than any other the most suitable 
places, to select a wider and more spacious ground 
to form a new settlement. 

This new post was a bluff or little mountain on 
the mainland, at a place to which the name " Old 
Biloxi " was given, because it had formerly been a 
village of Indians who bore that name. 

While they were engaged in forming this new estab- 
Hshment three royal vessels arrived with a ship of the 
company's, called the Mutine. The last vessel, be- 
sides a cargo of goods and provisions, brought a 
troop of young women, sent against their will, except 
one, who was called the Damsel of Good-Will. 

They were landed first on Dauphin Island, but the 
marrying mania had subsided, and there was no de- 
mand for them. Moreover, since the commandant 
had resolved soon to abandon the island, he put them 
all in boats and sent them over to Ship Island, thence 
to Old Biloxi, where- most of them got married. 



No. 37] Casket Girls 



121 



The colony was not yet planted on St. Louis River 
(Mississippi). This determined some of the new- 
comers to land all their people and effects at New 
Biloxi, where a Canadian had made a little estab- 
lishment, which he had subsequently abandoned to 
go nearer the river. There each took a plot along 
the coast, cleared it, and raised cabins ; but they had 
this disadvantage, that when they wished to go to 
Old Biloxi to see the commandant, they had to cross 
the water a good league. 

An accident, which happened in the latter post 
about this time, deUvered them from this inconven- 
ience, and caused a new movement of the colony. 
There was at Old Biloxi a sergeant, who drank a little 
and then lay down, but took it into his head to light his 
pipe, as he did in fact with a stick from the fire. As 
he was lying on his bed, instead of getting up to put 
the stick back, he threw it unluckily not into the mid- 
dle of his cabin, but against the posts that surrounded 
it. The wind, blowing through the posts, soon fanned 
a blaze, which in a moment caught the palisade of 
pine, a very resinous wood, and easily inflamed. 

In an instant the fire spread to the next cabin, and 
from that to another. Though fortunately the wind 
was not high, the conflagration soon became so vio- 
lent, that to check it and prevent its progress, they 
had to throw down two cabins on each side. The 
sergeant escaped as he was, without being able to take 
anything from his cabin. In all, eleven cabins were 
burned or thrown down. The commandant had no 
thought of restoring them, as he was already disposed 
to transport his colony once more, and make a third 
estabHshment. 



12 2 French and Indian IVars [no. 38 

38. The Founding of the City of 
New Orleans 

By Monsieur Dumont (i 719-1728) 

While the land-holders, dispersed in different 
places in that vast province, were engaged in making 
settlements, the commandant, now left alone at Old 
Biloxi, with the troops and officers of the company, 
thought of making a more stable and solid establish- 
ment in the country than any that had yet been 
formed for the colony. 
30 leagues = With this view he selected a tract thirty leagues 
about 90 above the mouth of the river. He sent the chief en- 

miles. 

gineer there to choose in that tract a place fit for 
building a city worthy of becoming the capital and 
headquarters to which all the rising settlements might 
have recourse for supplies and help. 

The place consisted only of some unimportant 
houses, scattered here and there. A pretty long and 
wide strip was next cleared along the river. To each 
settler who appeared they gave a plot of land. It 
was ordained that those who obtained these plots 
The city of should be bouud to inclose them with paUsades, and 
New Orleans jg^yg ^\\ arouud a Strip at least three feet wide, at the 

IS three or , ^ 

four feet foot of which a ditch was to be dug, to serve as a 
below high drain for the river water in time of inundation. The 

water in the _.,,_,, , , , . . 

Mississippi. Sicur dc la Tour deemed these canals, communicatmg 
from square to square, absolutely necessary. To fur- 
ther preserve the city from inundation, he raised in 
front, near a slight elevation, running to the river, a 
dike or levee of earth, at the foot of which he dug a 
similar drain. 



No. 38] New Orleans 123 

All were engaged in these labors, and several 
houses or cabins were already raised, when about the 
month of September a hurricane came on so suddenly, 
that in an instant it leveled houses and palisades. 
With this impetuous wind came such torrents of rain, 
that you could not step out a moment without risk of 
being drowned. A vessel, called the Adventurer, lay 
at anchor before the town. Though all sails were 
reefed, the yards stayed, and the vessel well secured to 
the shore by cables, and in the river by anchors, it 
was full twenty times in danger of going to pieces or 
being dashed on the shore. 

In fact, this tempest was so terrible that it rooted 
up the largest trees, and the birds, unable to keep up, 
fell in the streets. In one hour the wind had twice 
blown from every point of the compass. On the third 
day it finally ceased, and they set to work to repair 
the damage done. Meanwhile the new city began to 
fill up with inhabitants, who gradually began to aban- 
don New Biloxi to come and settle there. At last the 
commandant himself went there, with his council and 
troops. They left only an officer with a detachment 
at New Biloxi to guard the post, and direct vessels 
coming from France to the residence of the colony. 

When the foundation of the new capital, which 
took the name of New-Orleans, was laid, the houses, 
as I have said, were mere palisade cabins, like those 
of Old and New Biloxi. The only difference was, 
that in the latter places the posts were pine, while at 
the capital they were cypress. But since they began 
to make brick there, no houses but brick are built; so 
that now the government-house, church, barracks, 
&c., and almost all the houses are brick, or half-brick 
and half-wood. 



124 French and Indian Wars [no. 38 



The levee is 
the slope 
along the 
river front. 



About this time arrived a third vessel, loaded with 
young women ; but these were of a superior class to 
their predecessors, from the fact of their being called 
"casket-girls." This was because on leaving France, 
each had received from the liberality of the company 
a Httle trunk of clothes, and linens, caps, chemises, 
stockings, &c. They had, too, the advantage of being 
brought over by nuns. They had not time to pine 
away in the houses assigned for their abode on their 
arrival, but soon found husbands. 

This place which at first was hardly a good-sized 
village, may now justly be called a city. On the 
levee, to the left, is the market. Opposite the place, 
beside the storehouses, is the anchorage for vessels. 
Beside it is the guard house. 

To avoid accident by fire the powder-magazine is 
at a distance from the city. This capital wants only 
fortifications, which have not yet been begun. You 
will find there very fine brick houses and a great 
many buildings four or five stories high. 



x^^^^__^_ 


fei 


'^^^P^^^^^^^^^fe^^l!!?! 


^s 


«p[jf,|n '^ i,^^^^^'*^^ ' '^'^ = 


r^ 




'^^^M^^^L ' ■' — -'■^- — " 



AN EARLY PICTURE OF NEW ORLEANS. 



No. 39] Pigwacket 125 

39. A Song about Indians 

(1725) 

1. Of worthy Captain Lovewell I purpose now to The fight at 

sing, Pigwacket 

How valiantly he served his country and his King ; is^noVpiTe- 
He and his valiant soldiers, did range the woods ^ui-g, Maine) 

r n 'J took place 

f^lll Wlde,^ May 7, 1725, 

And hardships they endured, to quell the Indian's much as the 
pride. ^f^^ '^^'^ 

^ the story. 

The poetry is 

2. 'Twas niffh unto Pio^wacket, on the eisrhth day of ^^^^^ ^"^ 

^^ ^ ^ ' {D J the spirit is 

May, excellent. 

They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day ; 
He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land. 
Which leads into a pond, as we're made to under- 
stand. 

3. Our men resolv'd to have him, and travell'd two 

miles round. 
Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his 

ground ; 
Then speaks up Captain Lovewell, ''take you 

good heed," says he, 
*' This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see. 

4. "The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh 

at hand. 
In order to surround us upon this neck of land ; 
Therefore we'll march in order, and each man 

leave his pack, 
That we may briskly fight them when they make 

their attack." 



126 French and Indian JVars [No. 39 

5. They came unto this Indian, who did them thus 

defy, 
As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did 

let fly, 
Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and Hkewise 

one man more, 
And when this rogue was running, they laid him 

in his gore. 

6. Then having scalp'd the Indian, they went back 

to the spot, 
Where they had laid their packs down, but there 

they found them not. 
For the Indians having spy'd them, when they 

them down did lay. 
Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them 

away. 

7. These rebels lay in ambush, this very place 

hard by. 
So that an EngHsh soldier did one of them 

espy. 
And cried out, ''here's an Indian," with that they 

started out. 
As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout. 

8. With that our valiant English, all gave a loud 

huzza, 
To shew the rebel Indians they fear'd them not a 

straw : 
So now the fight began, as fiercely as could be. 
The Indians ran up to them, but soon were 

forced to flee. 



No. 39] Pigwacket 127 

9. Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first 

the fight began 
'* Fight on my valiant heroes ! you see they fall 

hke rain." 
For as we are inform'd, the Indians were so thick, 
A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some of 

them hit. 



10. Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to 

surround, 
But they could not accompUsh it, because there 

was a pond, 
To which our men retreated and covered all the 

rear. 
The rogues were forc'd to flee them, altho' they 

skulked for fear. 

11. Two logs there were behind them that close 

together lay. 
Without being discovered, they could not get 

away; 
Therefore our valiant English, they travell'd in a 

row, 
And at a handsome distance as they were wont 

to go. 

12. 'Twas ten o'clock in the morning, when first the 

fight begun, 
And fiercely did continue until the setting sun ; 
Excepting that the Indians, some hours before 

'twas night. 
Drew off into the bushes and ceas'd a while to 

fight. 



12 8 French and Indian Wars [no. 39 

13. But soon again returned, in fierce and furious 

mood, 
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so 

loud, 
For as we are informed, so thick and fast they 

fell, 
Scarce twenty of their number at night did get 

home well. 

14. And that our valiant EngHsh, till midnight there 

did stay. 
To see whether the rebels would have another 

fray ; 
But they no more returning, they made off 

towards their home, 
And brought away their wounded as far as they 

could come. 

15. Of all our vaHant English, there were but thirty- 

four, 

And of the rebel Indians, there were about four- 
score. 

And sixteen of our English did safely home 
return. 

The rest were kill'd and wounded, for which we 
all must mourn. 

16. Our worthy Captain Lovewell among them 

there did die, 
They killed Lieut. Robbins, and wounded good 

young Frye, 
Who was our Enghsh Chaplain ; he many Indians 

slew. 
And some of them he scalp'd when bullets 

round him flew. 



No. 40] 



A Captive 



I 29 



17. Young Full AM too I'll mention, because he 

fought so well, 
Endeavouring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell; 
But yet our gallant Englishmen in fight were 

ne'er dismay'd. 
But still they kept their motion, and Wyman's 

Captain made, 

18. Who shot the old chief Paugus, which did the 

foe defeat, 
Then set his men in order, and brought off the 

retreat ; 
And braving many dangers and hardships in the 

way, 
They safe arriv'd at Dunstable, the thirteenth 

day of May. 



40. Captured by the Indians 

By John Gyles (1736) 

On the second spring of my captivity my Indian 
master and his squaw went to Canada ; but sent me 
down the river with several Indians to the Fort, in 
order to plant corn. The day before we came to the 
planting field we met two young Indian men, who 
seemed to be in great haste. After they had passed 
us I understood that they were going with an express 
to Canada, and that there was an English vessel at 
the mouth of the river. I, not perfect in the lan- 
guage, nor knowing that English vessels traded with 
them in time of war, supposed a peace was concluded 
on, and that the captives would be released ; and 
was so transported with the fancy that I slept but 



One of the 
most fre- 
quent dan- 
gers to the 
pioneer was 
that of cap- 
ture by the 
Indians. 
Such cap- 
tives were 
held as 
slaves, and 
kind-hearted 
Frenchmen 
sometimes 
bought them 
and sent 
them home. 



130 French and Indian Wars [no. 40 

little, if at all, that night. Early the next morning 
we came to the village, where the ecstasy ended, for 
I had no sooner landed but three or four Indians 
dragged me to the great wigwam, where they were 
yelling and dancing round James Alexander, a Jer- 
seyman, who was taken from Falmouth, in Casco 
Bay. This was occasioned by two families of Cape 
Sable Indians, who had lost some friends by a num- 
ber of English fishermen, and came some hundred 
of miles to revenge themselves on the poor captives ! 
They soon came to me, and tossed me about till 
I was almost breathless, and then threw me into the 
ring to my fellow captive, and took him out again, 
and repeated their barbarities to him. And then I 
was hauled out again by three Indians, by the hair 
of my head, and held down by it, till one beat me on 
the back and shoulders so long that my breath was 
almost beat out of my body. And then others put a 
tomahawk into my hand, and ordered me to get up 
and dance and sing Indian, which I performed with 
the greatest reluctance ; and in the act I was reso- 
lute to purchase my death, by kilHng two or three of 
those monsters of cruelty, thinking it impossible to 
survive their bloody treatment. But it was impressed 
on my mind, " 'Tis not in their power to take away 
your life " ; so I desisted. 

Then those Cape Sable Indians came to me again 
like bears bereaved of their whelps, saying, *' Shall 
we, who have lost relations by the English, suffer an 
English voice to be heard among us } " etc. Then 
they beat me again with the axe. Then I repented 
that I had not sent two or three of them out of the 
world before me, for I thought that I had much 
rather die than suffer any longer. They left me the 



No. 40] Indian Masters 131 

second time, and the other Indians put the tomahawk 
into my hand again, and compelled me to sing. And 
then I seemed more resolute than before to destroy 
some of them ; but a strange and strong impulse that 
I should return to my own place and people, sup- 
pressed it as often as such a motion rose in my 
breast. Not one of the Indians showed the least 
compassion ; but I saw the tears run down plentifully 
on the cheeks of a Frenchman that sat behind; 
which did not alleviate the tortures that poor James 
and I were forced to endure for the most part of 
this tedious day; for they were continued till the 
evening ; and were the most severe that ever I met 
with in the whole six years that I was captive with 
the Indians. 

After they had thus inhumanly abused us, two 
Indians took us up and threw us out of the wigwam, 
and we crawled away on our hands and feet, and 
were scarce able to walk for several days. Some 
time after, they again concluded on a merry dance, 
when I was at some distance from the wigwam 
dressing leather, and an Indian was so kind as 
to tell me that they had got James Alexander, and 
were in search of me. My Indian master and his 
squaw bid me run as for my life into a swamp and 
hide, and not to discover myself, unless they both 
came to me, for then I might be assured the dance 
was over. I was now master of their language, and 
a word or a wink was enough to excite me to take 
care of myself. I ran to the swamp, and hid in the 
thickest place that I could find. I heard hollowing 
and whooping all around me ; sometimes they passed 
very near, and I could hear some threaten, and others 
flatter me, but I was not disposed to dance ; and if 



J 2 2 French and Indian Wars [no. 40 



The Mo- 
hawks, one 
of the Iro- 
quois tribes, 
were the 
fiercest of the 
northern 
Indians. 



they had come upon me I resolved to show them 
a pair of heels, and they must have had good luck 
to have caught me. 

I heard no more of them till about evening (for I 
think I slept), when they came again, calling *' Chon, 
Chon," but John would not trust them. After they 
were gone, my master and his squaw came where _ 
they told me to hide, but could not find me ; and 
when I heard them say with some concern, that they 
believed that the other Indians had frightened me 
into the woods, and that I was lost, I came out, and 
they seemed well pleased, and told me that James 
had had a bad day of it ; that as soon as he was 
released he ran away into the woods, and they 
beheved he was gone to the Mohawks. James soon 
returned and gave me a melancholy account of his 
sufferings ; and the Indians' fright concerning the 
Mohawks passed over. 

They often had terrible apprehension of the incur- 
sion of the Mohawks. One very hot season a great 
number gathered together at the' village ; and, being 
a very thirsty people, they kept James and myself 
night and day fetching water from a cold spring that 
ran out of a rocky hill about three-quarters of a mile 
from the fort. In going thither, we crossed a large 
intervale, or meadow, and then a descent to a lower 
intervale before we ascended the hill to the spring. 
James, who was almost dead as well as I, with this 
continual fatigue, laid a plan to fright the Indians. 
He told me of it, but conjured me to secrecy, yet 
said he knew that I could keep counsel. The next 
dark night James, going for water, set his kettle on 
the descent to the lowest intervale, and ran back to 
the fort, puffing and blowing, as in the utmost 



No. 40] Indian Treachery 133 

surprise, and told his master that he saw something 
near the spring, that looked like Mohawks (which he 
told me on the sly were stumps). His master, who was 
a most courageous warrior, went with James to make 




A WAR FLAG. 



discovery, and when they came to the brow of the 
hill, James pointed to the stumps, and withal touched 
his kettle with his toe, which gave it motion down 
hill, ^nd at every turn of the kettle the bail clattered ; 
upon which James and his master could see a 
Mohawk in motion in every stump, and turned tail 



134 French and Indian JVars [no. 40 

to, and he was the best man that could run fastest. 
This alarmed all the Indians in the village. Though 
about thirty or forty in number, they packed off, 
bag and baggage, some up the river and others 
down, and did not return under fifteen days ; and 
as the heat of the weather was finely over, our hard 
service abated for this season. I never heard that 
the Indians understood the occasion of the fright, 
but James and I had many a private laugh about it. 

My most intimate and dear companion was one 
John Evans, a young man taken from Quochecho. 
As often as we could, we met together, and made 
known our grievances to each other, which seemed 
to ease our minds; but when it was known by 
the Indians, we were strictly examined apart, and 
falsely accused, that we were intending to desert. 
But we were too far from the sea to have any 
thought of that; and when they found that our sto- 
ries agreed, we received no punishment. An Enghsh 
captive girl about this time (who was taken by 
Medocawando) would often falsely accuse us of plot- 
ting to desert, but we made the truth so plainly 
appear, that she was chidden and we released. 

The third winter of my captivity James went into 
the country, and the Indians imposed a heavy burden 
on him, though he was extreme weak with long fast- 
ing ; and as he was going off the upland over a place 
of ice which was very hollow, he broke through, fell 
down, and cut his knee very much. Notwithstanding, 
he travelled for some time ; but the wind and cold 
were so forcible, that they soon overcame him, and 
he sat or fell down, and all the Indians passed by 
him. Some of them went back the next day after 
him, or his pack, and found him, with a dog in his 



No. 41] Canadian Ladies 135 

arms, both frozen as stiff as a stake. And all my 
fellow-captives were dispersed and dead ; but through 
infinite and unmerited goodness I was supported and 
carried through all difficulties. 



41. The Ladies in French Canada 

By Peter Kalm (1749) 

All the women in the country, without exception, it appears 
wear caps of some kind or other. Their jackets are ^^at people a 

^ ■' century and a 

short, and so are their petticoats, and they have a half ago were 
silver cross hansfins: down on the breast. In sreneral ^^ ^°"^ °?^ 

^ . dressing in 

they are very mdustrious ; however, I saw some, who, the fashion 
like the English women in the colonies, did nothing ^^ ^^^y ^^^ 
but chatter all the day. 

When they have any thing to do within doors, they 
(especially the girls) commonly sing songs, in which 
the words amour and coeui' are very frequent. In the ^^^^ 
country, it is usual, that when the husband receives a 
visit from persons of rank, and dines with them, his 
wife stands behind and serves him. 

In the towns, the ladies are more distinguished, 
and would willingly assume an equal, if not a supe- 
rior, power to their husbands. When they go out of 
doors they wear long cloaks, which cover all their 
other clothes, and are either grey, brown, or blue. 
The men sometimes make use of them, when they 
are obliged to go in the rain. The women have the 
advantage of wearing old clothes under these cloaks, 
without any body's perceiving it. 

We sometimes saw wind-mills near the farms. 
They were generally built of stone, with a roof of 



136 French and Indian Wars [no. 41 

boards, which, together with its flyers, could be turned 
to the wind occasionally. 

The difference between the manners and customs 
of the French in Montreal and Canada, and those of 
the English in the American colonies, is as great as 
that between the manners of those two nations in 
Europe. The women in general are handsome here; 
they are well bred, and virtuous, with an innocent 
and becoming freedom. They dress out very fine on 
Sundays. On the other days they do not take much 
pains with other parts of their dress, yet they are 
very fond of adorning their heads, the hair of which 
is always curled and powdered, and ornamented with 
glittering bodkins and aigrettes. 

Every day but Sunday, they wear a little neat 
jacket, and a short petticoat which hardly reaches 
the knee, and in this particular they seem to imitate 
the Indian women. The heels of their shoes are 
high, and very narrow, and it is surprising how they 
walk on them. In their knowledge of economy, they 
greatly surpass the EngUsh women in the planta- 
tions, who indeed have taken the liberty of throwing 
all the burden of house-keeping upon their husbands, 
and sit in their chairs all day with folded arms. 

The women in Canada on the contrary do not 
spare themselves, especially among the common peo- 
ple, where they are always in the fields, meadows, 
or stables, and do not dislike any work whatsoever. 
However, they seem rather remiss in regard to the 
cleaning of the utensils, and apartments ; sometimes 
the floors, both in the town and country, were hardly 
cleaned once in six months. This is a disagreeable 
sight to one who comes from among the Dutch and 
English, where the constant scouring and scrubbing 



No. 41] Canadian Customs 137 

of the floors, is reckoned as important as the exercise 
of rehgion itself. 

To prevent the thick dust, which is thus left on the 
floor, from being bad for the health, the women wet 
it several times a day, which renders it more solid, 
repeating the process as often as the dust is dry 
and rises again. Upon the whole, however, they are 
not averse to taking a part in all the business of 
housekeeping. I have with pleasure seen the daugh- 
ters of the better sort of people, and of the governor 
himself, not too finely dressed, and going into kitchens 
and cellars, to look that every thing be done as it 
ought. 

The men are extremely civil, and take their hats 
off to every person whom they meet in the streets. 
It is customary to return a visit the day after you 
have received one, even though one should have 
some scores of calls to pay in one day. 

The manners of the inhabitants here are more 
refined than those of the Dutch and English, in the 
settlements belonging to Great Britain. The latter, 
on the other hand, do not idle their time away in 
dressing, as the French do here. The ladies, espe- 
cially, dress and powder their hair every day, and 
put their locks in papers every night ; which idle 
custom was not introduced in the English settle- 
ments. 

The gentlemen wear generally their own hair; but 
some have wigs. People of rank are used to wearing 
lace-trimmed clothes, and all the crown-officers wear 
swords. All the gentlemen, even those of rank, the 
governor-general excepted, when they go into town 
on a day that looks like rain, carry their cloaks on 
their left arm. 



Fort Du 
Quesne, 
now Pitts- 
burg. 



138 French and Indian Wars [no. 42 

Acquaintances of either sex, who have not seen 
each other for some time, on meeting again salute with 
mutual kisses. 



Everybody 
knows that 
General 
Braddock 
was an 
obstinate 
man, who 
would not 
take the good 
advice of 
George 
Washington, 
who was 
with him. 



42. The Story of Braddock's 
Defeat 

By William Livingston (1755) 

General Braddock was now on his march toward 
the Ohio, at the head of about 2,200 men, in order to 
invest Fort Du Quesne, and drive the French from 
their encroachments on the frontiers of Virginia and 
Pennsylvania. 

From Fort Cumberland to Fort Du Quesne the 
distance is not less than 130 miles. Mr. Braddock 
began his march from the former on the lOth of 
June, leaving the garrison under the command of 
Col. Innes. Innumerable were the difficulties he 
had to surmount, in a country rugged, pathless, 
and unknown, across the Alleghany mountains, 
through unfrequented woods, and dangerous defiles. 

Never was a man more confident of success than 
this brave, though unfortunate, officer. Being advised 
at the Great Meadows that the enemy expected a re- 
inforcement, he pushed on by forced marches. 

He moved with so much dispatch that he fatigued 
the soldiers, weakened his horses, and left his second 
division nearly forty miles in the rear. The enemy 
was not more than two hundred strong at their fort 
on the Ohio. They made no obstruction to the 
march of our forces, till the memorable 9th of July, 
1755 — a day never to be forgotten in the annals of 
North America. 



No. 42] Br addo ck' s Defeat 139 

About noon our troops passed the Monongahela, 
and were then within seven miles of Fort Du Quesne. 
They had no apprehension of the approach of an 
enemy, till the alarm was suddenly given by a quick 
and heavy fire upon their vanguard. The main body, 
in good order and high spirits, immediately advanced 
to sustain them. 

The van fell back in great confusion, and a general Braddock 
panic seized the whole body of the soldiery. All 7^°^^^^^^! ^'' 
attempts to rally them proved ineffectual. The gen- from behind 
eral and all the officers exerted their utmost activity *'"^^^' 
to recover them from the universal surprise and dis- 
order. 

During this scene of confusion they expended their 
ammunition in the wildest and most unmeaning fire, 
some discharging their pieces on our own parties, who 
were advanced from the main body for the recovery 
of the cannon. After three hours spent in this mel- 
ancholy situation, enduring a terrible slaughter, from 
(it may be said) an invisible foe, orders were given to 
sound a retreat, that the men might be brought to 
cover the wagons. 

Even the wagons they surrounded but a short space 
of time ; for the enemy's fire was again warmly re- 
newed from the front and left flank, and the whole 
army took to immediate flight, leaving behind them 
all the artillery, provisions, ammunitions, baggage, 
mihtary chest, together with the General's cabinet, 
containing his instructions and other papers of con- 
sequence. So great was the consternation of the 
soldiers that it was impossible to stop their career, 
— flying with the utmost precipitation three miles 
from the field of action ; where only one hundred 
began to make a more orderly retreat. 



140 Fre7ich and Indian Wars [no. 42 

What was the strength of the enemy has hitherto 
remained to us uncertain. According to Indian ac- 
counts, they exceeded not four hundred, chiefly Ind- 
ians ; and whether any were slain is still to be 
doubted, for few were seen by our men, as they 
were concealed by stumps and fallen trees. Great 
indeed was the destruction on our side. Numbers of 
officers sacrificed their Hves through singular bravery. 
Extremely unfortunate was the whole staff. The 
General, after having five horses shot under him, 
received a wound in his lungs, through his right 
arm, of which he died in four days. Our whole loss 
was about seven hundred killed and wounded. 

To what causes this unhappy catastrophe is to be 
ascribed, has been matter of much inquiry and ani- 
mated debate. The officers charged the defeat to 
the cowardice of the men. But, in a representation 
the regular soldiers made by order of the Crown, they 
in some measure apologize for their behaviour — al- 
leging that they were harassed by duties too great for 
their numbers, and dispirited through want of pro- 
visions ; that time was not allowed them to dress 
their food ; that their water (the only liquor, too, they 
had) was both scarce and of a bad quality. 

In fine, they said that the provincials had dis- 
heartened them, by repeated suggestions of their 
fears of a defeat, should they be attacked by Indians, 
in which case the European method of fighting would 
be entirely unavailing. But, they say, however cen- 
surable the conduct of the soldiery may be thought, 
Mr. Braddock, too sanguine in his prospects, was 
generally blamed for neglecting to cultivate the 
friendship of the Indians. They offered their assist- 
ance, and, it is certain, had a number of them pre- 



No. 42] Braddock's Defeat 141 

ceded the army, they would have discovered the 
enemy's ambuscade. 

The Virginian rangers also, instead of being made 
to serve as regulars in the ranks with the English 
troops, should have been employed as out-scouts. 
But this step, so necessary to guard against surprise, 
was too unhappily omitted, the whole army, accord- 
ing to the representation above mentioned, following 
only three or four guides. 

When the routed party joined the second division, 
forty miles short of the place of action, the terror 
diffused itself through the whole army. You might 
naturally expect to hear that Col. Dunbar then in- 
trenched himself, and called on the neighboring 
colonies for immediate reinforcements ; — as by such 
a step the enemy might have been detained at Fort 
Du Quesne, prevented from ravaging the frontiers, 
or throwing succors into Niagara. But alas ! an in- 
fatuation seemed to accompany all our measures on 
the southern quarter. Fearful of an unpursuing foe, 
all the ammunition, and so much of the provisions 
were destroyed, to accelerate their flight, that Dun- 
bar was actually obliged to send for thirty horse-loads 
of provisions, before he reached Fort Cumberland — 
where he arrived a few days after, with the shattered 
remains of the EngUsh troops. 



142 French and Indian Wars [N0.43 



" Regimen- 
tals" means 
uniform. 



43. Provincial Regimentals at 
Court 

By William Skinner (1757) 

I HAVE the pleasure to acquaint you that I am a 
Ueutenant in the first battaUion of General Corn- 

wallis's regiment 
and have nine 
or ten under me. 
The difficulties I 
met with in ar- 
riving to that 
rank are more 
than you can im- 
agine. When I 
got to London 
which was some 
timein June last, 
I made up my 
provincial regi- 
mentals, drew up 
a memorial and 
presented it to 
my Lord Bar- 
rington the Sec- 
retary of War. 

The answer I 
got from him 
was quite con- 
trary to what I 
expected, for his Lordship told me that he pitied my 
case but could do nothing for me, because I was a 




COLONIAL REGIMENTALS. 



No. 43] At Court 143 

provincial officer, and of consequence not under his 
department. This answer chagrined me much, and 
what other step to take I could not tell. 

But I was determined to try every method, and 
luckily for me at that time, I got acquainted with Mr. 
Fitz-R.oy, brother to the Duke of Grafton, who was 
courting Miss Warren. I was resolved to petition the 
King, which I did at a time when the Court was in 
mourning for the Queen of Prussia, and as every 
officer that has a petition to deliver goes in his 
regimentals, I did the same. 

When I entered into the first room, whom should I 
meet, but the Yeoman of the Guards, who came up 
to me in a rough manner, and told me the Court 
was in mourning, and that my dress was not suitable 
to the times, and could not be admitted. 

The answer I gave him was very short. It was, 
that I had a petition to deliver the King, and was King George 
determined to see him, and passed him immediately, P'?^^"^" 
and got into a room where there was a large levy of 
most of the nobility in England. 

I looked about me for my good friend Fitz-Roy, 
whom I at last discovered, and spoke to him. He 
went directly to my Lord Harford, the Duke of New- 
castle, Lord Lennox, and many others, and told them 
I was a relation of Lady Warren's, and a friend of 
his, and introduced me to them. This made every 
body else in the levy room inquisitive to know who I 
was, and my business, which my good friend told 
them. 

The next thing was to know where I should place 
myself and in what manner I should present my peti- 
tion to the King. This my Lord Harford was so kind 
as to instruct me in, and took the trouble to place 



144 French and Indian Wars [N0.43 

me himself by the door that the King passed through 
to his bed chamber, and ordered me when the King 
returned that way, to kneel upon my right knee and 
present it to him. 

I did this with great resolution, and a genteel pos- 
ture, considering where I was born. When I pre- 
sented it, the King stopped and looked at me, took it 
out of my hand, went into his bed chamber, and did 
me the honor of reading it himself, upon which my 
Lord Harford came to me and told me that he did not 
doubt but that it would succeed. For, says he, the 
King has read your petition, which I never knew him 
to do before, for the Lord in waiting always reads it 
to the King. 

This reception gave me great encouragement, and 
I went home well satisfied. Three days after that I 
attended My Lord Barrington's levy and asked him 
whether the King had spoken to him about me. 

His Lordship told me that he had, and repeated 
the words as the King spoke them, which were, that 
" one Captain Skinner an American, belonging to a 
provincial regiment had delivered a petition. I like 
the man's looks, he is fit to serve me; provide for 
him." Upon which I asked his Lordship whether I 
should get what I petitioned for, he told me he did 
not know, but that I should be provided for immedi- 
ately. 

I waited three months and received a letter from 
his Lordship, teUing me that he had the pleasure to 
acquaint me that I was appointed a lieutenant in 
General Cornwallis's regiment. I waited on him and 
told him I would not accept of it, for I thought my 
serving required something better, but at last took it 
with the promise that I should be soon promoted. 



No. 43] Court Favors 145 

The next thing was to get my brother provided for, 
and how to do that I did not know, for he had got 
the same answer from my Lord Harrington that I 
had first, and was advised by Mr. Fitz-Roy to petition 
my Lord Anson for a Heutenancy in the Marines, 
which so far succeeded that he got the promise of 
the first vacancy. 

As there was a search expedition going on, I 
advised him to go as a volunteer in my Lord Lou- 
don's regiment, which he did, and did duty in the 
grenadier company. His behaviour there was so 
agreeable to the oflficers, that when they returned 
they petitioned my Lord Barrington that he should 
be appointed to that regiment, where he is now an 
ensign. 

To relate the trouble I have met with in getting 
subsistance for the provincial troops, as they landed 
from Old and New France would be too tedious to 
mention, but I can't help telling you that Mr. Par- 
tridge the agent for our province, is a scoundrel, not 
fit for the post he is intrusted with. 

In the last letter I wrote you I begged it as a par- 
ticular favor that you wou'd send me a Negro boy of 
about twelve or thirteen years old, whom I have 
promised to Mr. Fitz-Roy (if he is younger so much 
the better). Pray favor me with one, for a present 
of that kind will be of more service to my brother 
and me than you can imagine. Let him be sent by a 
man of war, to Lady Warren's, Cavendish Square, 
London. 



146 French and Indian IVars [No. 44 
44. Brave Commanders at Quebec 

By John Knox (1759) 

Sept. 13, 1759. Before daybreak this morning we 
made a descent upon the north shore, about half a 
quarter of a mile to the eastward of Sillery ; and the 
light troops were fortunately by the rapidity of the cur- 
rent carried lower down between us and Cape Dia- 
mond. We had in this debarkation thirty flat-bottomed 
boats, containing about sixteen hundred men. 

This was a great surprise on the enemy, who from 

the natural strength of the place did not suspect, and 

consequently were not prepared against so bold an 

attempt. The chain of sentries which they had 

posted along the summit of the heights galled us a 

little, and picked off several men and some officers 

before our light infantry got up to dislodge them. 

This grand enterprise was conducted and executed 

with great good order and discretion. As fast as we 

landed, the boats put off for re-enforcements, and the 

jamesWoife. troops formed with much regularity. The General, 

with Brigadiers Monckton and Murray, was ashore 

with the first division. We lost no time here, but 

The men clambcred up one of the steepest precipices that can 

climbed up j^g couccivcd, being almost a perpendicular, and of 

ciiVatT 3^^ incredible height. 

place now As soon as wc gained the summit, all was quiet, 

Wolfe's ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ heard, owing to the excellent con- 

Cove, a few duct of the light infantry under Colonel Howe. It 
miles above ^^g by this time clear daylight. Here we formed 
again, the river and the south country in our rear, our 
right extending to the town, our left to Sillery, and 
halted a few minutes. 



No. 44] Wolfe at ^luebec 147 

The general then detached the light troops to our 
left to rout the enemy from their battery, and to dis- 
able their guns, except they could be rendered ser- 
viceable to the party who were to remain there ; and 
this service was soon performed. We then faced to 
the right, and marched toward the town by files till 
we came to the Plains of Abraham, an even piece of 
ground which Mr. Wolfe had made choice of, while 
we stood forming upon the hill. 

Weather showery. About six o'clock the enemy 
first made their appearance upon the heights between 
us and the town, whereupon we halted and wheeled to 
the right, thereby forming the line of battle. Part of 
the light infantry took post in the houses at Sillery, 
and the remainder occupied a chain of houses which 
were opportunely situated for that purpose, and 
covered our left flank, incUning toward our rear. 
The general then advanced some platoons from the 
grenadiers and twenty-eighth regiment below the 
height on our right, to annoy the enemy, and prevent 
their getting round the declivity between us and the 
main river, which they had attempted. 

The enemy had now likewise formed the line of 
battle, and got some cannon to play on us, with 
round and canister shot; but what galled us most 
was a body of Indians and other marksmen they had 
concealed in the corn opposite to the front of our 
right wing, and in a thicket that stood opposite to our 
centre incHning toward our left. 

About ten o'clock the enemy began to advance 
briskly in three columns, with loud shouts and arms 
ready to fire, two of them incHning to the left of our 
army, and the third toward our right, firing obliquely 
at the two extremities of our line, from the distance 



148 French and Indian Wars [no. 44 

of one hundred and thirty yards, until they came 
within forty yards. Our troops withstood this with the 
greatest intrepidity and firmness, still reserving their 
fire and paying the strictest obedience to their officers. 
This uncommon steadiness, together with the havoc 
which the grape-shot from our field-pieces made 
among them, threw them into some disorder, and was 
most critically maintained by a well-timed, regular, 
and heavy discharge of our small arms, such as they 
could no longer oppose. 

Hereupon they gave way, and fled with great 
haste, so that by the time the cloud of smoke was 
vanished our men were .again loaded, and, profiting 
by the advantage we had over them, pursued them 
almost to the gates of the town and the bridge over 
the little river, redoubling our fire with great eager- 
ness, making many officers and men prisoners. 

Our joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by 
the loss we sustained of one of the greatest heroes 
which this or any other age can boast of, — General 
James Wolfe, — who received his mortal wound as 
he was exerting himself at the head of the grenadiers 
of Louisburg. 

The officers who are prisoners say that Quebec will 

surrender in a few days. Some deserters who came 

out to us in the evening agree in that opinion, and 

The French inform US that the Sieur de Montcalm is dying, in 

commander, g^eat agouy, of a wouud he received to-day in their 

retreat. 

Thus has our late renowned commander made a 
conquest of this fertile, healthy, and hitherto formi- 
dable country, with a handful of troops only. My 
pen is too feeble to draw the character of this British 
Achilles; but it may with justice be said of him : he 



No. 44] Death of Montcalm 149 

was possessed of courage, humanity, clemency, gen- 
erosity, affability, and politeness. 

Sept. 14. The Sieur de Montcalm died late last 
night. When his wound was dressed and he set- 
tled in bed, the surgeons who attended him were 
desired to tell him truly their opinion of him ; and, 
being answered that his wound was mortal, he 
calmly replied, " he was glad of it." His Excellency 
then demanded "whether he could survive it long, 
and how long." He was told, ''About a dozen hours, 
perhaps more, peradventure less." *' So much the 
better," rejoined this eminent warrior. "I am happy 
I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." 




A FLINT-LOCK MUSKET. 

He then ordered his secretary into the room to 
adjust his private affairs; and, as soon as they were 
dispatched, he was visited by the French king's 
lieutenant, who desired to receive his Excellency's 
commands. To this the marquis made the following 
answer: ''I'll neither give orders nor interfere any 
farther. I have much business that must be attended 
to, of greater moment than your ruined garrison and 
this wretched country. My time is very short, there- 
fore pray leave me. I wish you all comfort, and to 
be happily extricated from your present perplexities." 

He then called for his chaplain, who, with the 
bishop of the colony, remained with him till he 
expired. Some time before this great man departed, 
we are assured he paid us this compliment: ''Since 



150 French and Indian Wars [no. 44 

it was my misfortune to be discomfited, and mortally 
wounded, it is a great consolation to me to be van- 
quished by so brave and generous an enemy." 

After our late worthy General Wolfe, of renowned 
memory, was carried off wounded to the rear of the 
front line, he desired those who were about him to 
lay him down. Being asked if he would have a sur- 
geon, he replied, " It is needless : it is all over with 
me." One of them then cried out, ''They run, see 
how they run ! " '' Who runs.'* " demanded our hero 
with great earnestness, like a person roused from a 
sleep. The officer answered : '' The enemy, sir. 
Egad, they give way everywhere." 

Thereupon the general rejoined : " Go, one of you, 
my lads, to Colonel Burton — ; tell him to march with 
all speed down to Charles River, to cut off the retreat 
of the fugitives from the bridge." Then, turning on 
his side, he added, '' Now, God be praised, I will die 
in peace ! " and thus expired. 




THE MINUTE MAN. 



PART V 

GETTING READY FOR THE 
REVOLUTION 



45. A Furious Mob 

By Thomas Hutchinson (1765) 

Boston, Aug. 30, 1765. 

I CAME from my house at Milton, on the 26th in the 
morning. After dinner it was whispered in town there 
would be a mob at night, and that the custom-house 
and admiralty officers' houses would be attacked ; but 
my friends assured me that the rabble were satisfied 
with the insult I had received and that I was become 
rather popular. 

In the evening, whilst I was at supper and my chil- 
dren round me, somebody ran in and said the mob were 
coming. I directed my children to fly to a secure 
place, and shut up my house as I had done before, in- 
tending not to quit it; but my eldest daughter repented 
her leaving me, hastened back, and protested she 
would not quit the house unless I did. 

I couldn't stand against this, and withdrew with her 
to a neighboring house, where I had been but a few 
minutes before the hellish crew fell upon my house 

153 



It was sup- 
posed that 
Governor 
Hutchinson 
had asked 
the British 
government 
to levy a 
stamp duty: 
it was for that 
reason that 
his house 
was sacked. 
In reality 
Hutchinson 
was opposed 
to the duty. 



154 Preparing for Revolution [no. 45 



Plate = gold 
and silver 
table ware 
and utensils, 
spoons, etc. 
Nearly 
$5000. 



with the rage of devils, and in a moment with axes 
spUt down the doors and entered. My son being in 
the great entry heard them cry, with an oath, '* He is 
upstairs, we'll have him." Some ran immediately as 
high as the top of the house, others filled the rooms 
below and cellars, and others remained outside the 
house to be employed there. 

Messages soon came one after another to the house 
where I was, to inform me the mob were coming in 
pursuit of me, and I was obliged to retire through 
yards and gardens to a house more remote, where I 
remained until four o'clock, by which time one of the 
best finished houses in the Province had nothing re- 
maining but the bare walls and floors. 

Not contented with tearing off all the wainscot and 
hangings, and splitting the doors to pieces, they beat 
down the partition walls ; and although that alone cost 
them near two hours, they cut down the cupola or 
lanthorn. They began to take the slate and boards 
from the roof, and were prevented only by the ap- 
proaching daylight from a total demolition of the 
building. The garden-house was laid flat, and all my 
trees, etc., broken down to the ground. 

Such ruin was never seen in America. Besides my 
plate and family pictures, household furniture of every 
kind, my own, my children's, and servants' apparel, 
they carried off about ;£900 sterling in money, and 
emptied the house of everything whatsoever, except a 
part of the kitchen furniture. They did not leave a 
single book or paper in it, and have scattered or de- 
stroyed all the manuscripts and other papers I had 
been collecting for thirty years together, besides a 
great number of public papers in my custody. 

The evening being warm, I had undressed, and put 



No. 45] 



Hutchinson Mob 



155 



on a thin camlet surtout over my waistcoat. The next 
morning, the weather had changed, and I had not 
clothes enough in my possession to defend me from 
the cold, and was obliged to borrow from my friends. 
Many articles of clothing and a good part of my plate 
have since been picked up in different quarters of the 



Camlet 
mohair. 




GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON'S HOUSE. 



town, but the furniture in general was cut to pieces 
before it was thrown out of the house, and most of 
the beds cut open, and the feathers thrown out of the 
windows. 

The next evening, I intended going with my chil- 
dren to Milton, but meeting two or three small parties 
of the ruffians, who I suppose had concealed them- 
selves in the country, and my coachman hearing one 
of them say, *' There he is ! " my daughters were terri- 



$i5,ooo. 



Eventually 
the British 
government 
made good 
these losses. 



156 Preparing for Revolution [No. 45 

fied and said they should never be safe, and I was 
forced to shelter them that night at the Castle. 

The encouragers of the first mob never intended 
matters should go this length, and the people in 
general expressed the utmost detestation of this un- 
paralleled outrage. I wish they could be convinced 
what infinite danger there is of the most terrible con- 
sequences from such demons, when they are let loose 
in a government where there is not constant authority 
at hand sufficient to suppress them. 

I am told the government here will make me a 
compensation for my own and my family's loss, which 
I think cannot be much less than ;^3,ooo sterling. I 
am not sure that they will. If they should not, it will 
be too heavy for me, and I must humbly apply to his 
majesty in whose service I am a sufferer. But this, 
and a much greater sum, would be an insufficient com- 
pensation for the constant distress and anxiety of mind 
I have felt for some time past, and must feel for 
months to come. 

Such is the resentment of the people against the 
Stamp-Duty, that there can be no dependence upon 
the General Court to take any steps to enforce, or 
rather advise, to the payment of it. On the other 
hand, such will be the effects of not submitting to it, 
that all trade must cease, all courts fall, and all au- 
thority be at an end. 

Must not the ministry be excessively embarrassed } 
On the one hand, it will be said, if concessions are 
made, the Parliament endanger the loss of their au- 
thority over the Colony : on the other hand, if external 
force should be used, there seems to be danger of a 
total lasting alienation of affection. Is there no al- 
ternative .'' May the infinitely wise God direct you. 



No. 46] Town Meeting 157 

4.6. What our Ancestors did 

for Us 

By the Town Meeting of Cambridge (1765) 

At a legal meeting of the freeholders and other in- The stamp 
habitants of the Town of Cambridge this 14 day of ^^^ laid du- 

October 1765. paper neces- 

The Honorable William Brattle Esq. chosen Mod- ^^^y fo'" ^^^i 

ness and for 

erator : i^^^i p,„. 

Voted (that with all humility) It is the opinion of ceedings. 

the town that the inhabitants of this province have a ceedrwere 

legal claim to all the natural inherent constitutional to go to the 

ris^hts of Ensflishmen notwithstandino^ their distance ^^^^^^^ ^! 

- „ T? . . 1 1 r- A . ^^^ colonies. 

from Great Britam ; that the Stamp Act is an Infrac- 
tion upon these Rights. 

One instance out of many in our opinion is this : 
The distributor of stamps will have a Sovereignty over 
everything but the lives of the people, since it is in his 
power to summon everyone he pleases to Quebec, 
Montreal, or Newfoundland, to answer for the pre- 
tended or real breaches of this act. And when the 
faithful subject arrives there, by whom is he to be 
tried ? Not by his peers (the birthright of every 
Englishman), no, but by the Judge of Admiralty 
without a jury, and it is possible without law. 

Under these circumstances the stamp master may 
unrighteously get more than his Majesty will by the 
stamps, for who would not rather pay the fine than 
be thus harassed, thus tried ? Why are not his Maj- 
esty's subjects in Great Britain treated in this manner ? 

Why must we in America, who have in every in- 
stance showed as much loyalty for his Majesty and 



1^8 Preparing for Revolution [N0.47 

obedience to his laws as any of his British subjects, 
and whose exertions in some of the provinces during 
the last War have been greater, be thus discriminated 
against ; at this time, especially, while we are under 
an almost unsupportable load of debt, the consequence 
of this exertion ? 

We believe it may be truly said that no one in Great 
Britain pays so great a tax as some do in this province 
in proportion to their estates. Let this act but take 
place, liberty will be no more, trade will languish and 
die; our money will be sent into his Majesty's ex- 
chequer, and poverty come upon us as an armed man. 

The town therefore hereby advise and direct their 
representatives by no means whatsoever to do any 
one thing that may aid said act in its operation, but 
that in conjunction with the friends of liberty they 
use their utmost endeavours that the same might be 
repealed. 

That this vote be recorded in the town book, that 
the children yet unborn may see the desire their 
ancestors had for their freedom and happiness. 



47. Do not Tax the Colonies 

By Benjamin Franklin (1766) 

When the Q, What is your name, and place of abode .'' 

frnmenr' ^- FraukHu, of Philadelphia. 

found that Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes 

the Stamp amouo^ thcmselvcs } 

Tax was very ^ 

much re- A. Ccrtamly, many, and very heavy taxes. 

sented in Q Yox what purposcs are those taxes laid .'' 

committee^ ^. For the support of the civil and military estab- 



vania. 



No. 47] Colonial Taxes 159 

lishments of the country, and to discharge the heavy asked Benja- 
debt contracted in the last war. ""^^ Franklin 

to tell what 

Q. Are not all the people very able to pay those he thought 

taxes "^ about the cir- 

, ^.T- ,_^, - . . ,, , , cumstance. 

A. No. The frontier counties, all along the conti- 
nent, having been frequently ravaged by the enemy 
and greatly impoverished, are able to pay very little 
tax. And therefore, in consideration of their dis- 
tresses, our late tax laws do expressly favor those "Our,"«>. 
counties, excusing the sufferers ; and I suppose the ,^^^""/^^" 
same is done in other governments. 

Q. What was the temper of America toward Great 
Britain before the year 1763 } 

A. The best in the world. They submitted will- 
ingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in 
their courts, obedience to the acts of Parliament. 
Numerous as the people are in the several old prov- 
inces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garri- 
sons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They 
were governed by this country at the expense only of 
a little pen, ink, and paper ; they were led by a thread. 

They had not only a respect, but an affection for 
Great Britain ; for its laws, its customs and manners, 
and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly 
increased the commerce. Natives of Britain were 
always treated with particular regard ; to be an Old 
England man was of itself a character of some respect, 
and gave a kind of rank among us. 

Q. What is their temper now } 

A. O, very much altered. 

Q. In what Hght did the people of America use to 
consider the Parliament of Great Britain } 

A, They considered the Parliament as the great 
bulwark and security of their Hberties and privileges, 



i6o Preparing for Revolution [no. 47 

and always spoke of it with the utmost respect and 
veneration. Arbitrary ministers, they thought, might 
possibly, at times, attempt to oppress them ; but they 
relied on it that the Parliament, on application, would 




BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 



always give redress. They remembered, with grati- 
tude, a strong instance of this, when a bill was brought 
into Parliament, with a clause to make royal instruc- 
tions laws in the colonies, which the House of Com- 
mons would not pass, and it was thrown out. 



No. 47] Colonial Taxes 161 

Q. And have they not still the same respect for 
ParUament ? 

A. No, it is greatly lessened. 

Q. To what cause is that owing .'' 

A. To a. concurrence of causes; the restraints 
lately laid on their trade by which the bringing of for- 
eign gold and silver into the colonies was prevented ; 
the prohibition of making paper money among them- 
selves, and then demanding a new and heavy tax by 
stamps, taking away, at the same time, trials by ju- 
ries, and refusing to receive and hear their humble 
petitions. 

Q. Don't you think they would submit to the 
Stamp Act, if it was modified, the obnoxious parts 
taken out, and the duty reduced to some particulars 
of small moment ? 

A. No, they will never submit to it. 

Q. If the Stamp Act should be repealed, would it 
induce the assemblies of America to acknowledge the 
rights of Parliament to tax them, and would they 
erase their resolutions ? 

A. No, never. 

Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase 
those resolutions ? 

A. None that I know of; they will never do it, 
unless compelled by force of arms. 

Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them 
to erase them ? 

A. No power, how great soever, can force men to 
change their opinions. 

Q. Do they consider the post-office as a tax, or as a 
regulation .? 

A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and conven- 
iency ; every assembly encouraged it, and supported 



1 62 Preparing for Revolution [no. 48 

it in its infancy by grants of money, which they would 
not otherwise have done ; and the people have always 
paid the postage. 

Q. When did you receive the instructions you men- 
tioned ? 

A. I brought them with me, when I came to Eng- 
land, about fifteen months since, 

Q. When did you communicate that instruction to 
the minister ? 

A. Soon after my arrival, while the stamping of 
America was under consideration, and before the bill 
was brought in. 

Q. Would it be most for the interest of Great Brit- 
ain to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in 
manufactures } 

A. In tobacco, to be sure. 

Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans } 

A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of 
Great Britain. 

Q. What is now their pride '^. 

A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they 
can make new ones. 



Great Britain 
had laid a 
tax on tea, 
which the 
colonists 
thought un- 
just. When 
ships loaded 



48. The Boston Tea Party 

From the Massachusetts Gazette (1773) 

While a public meeting was being held, to protest 
against the tea ships, a number of brave and resolute 
men, dressed in the Indian manner, approached near 
the door of the assembly. They gave a war whoop, 
which rang through the house and was answered by 
some in the galleries ; but silence was commanded 



No. 48] Tea Party 163 

and a peaceable behaviour until the end of the with tea at- 
meeting. temptedto 

The Indians, as they were then called, repaired to cargoes in 
the wharf, where the ships lay that had the tea on Boston, the 
board. They were followed by hundreds of people iTd^scribed 
to see the event of the transactions of those who made in this story. 
so grotesque an appearance. 

The Indians immediately repaired on board Cap- 
tain Hall's ship, where they hoisted out the chests of 
tea. When on deck they stove them and emptied the 
tea overboard. 

Having cleared this ship they proceeded to Cap- 
tain Bruce's, and then to Captain Coffin's brig. They 
applied themselves so dexterously to the destruction 
of this commodity, that in the space of three hours 
they broke up three hundred and forty-two chests, 
which was the whole number of these vessels, and 
poured their contents into the harbor. 

When the tide rose it floated the broken chests and 
the tea. The surface of the water was filled there- 
with a considerable way from the south part of the 
town to Dorchester Neck and lodged on the shores. 

The greatest care was taken to prevent the tea 
from being purloined by the populace. One or two 
who were detected trying to pocket a small quantity 
were stripped of their plunder and very roughly 
handled. 

It is worthy of remark that although a considerable 
quantity of other goods were still remaining on board 
the vessel, no injury was sustained. 

Such attention to private property was observed 
that when a small padlock belonging to the captain 
of one of the ships was broken, another was procured 
and sent to him. 



164 Preparing for Revolution [no. 49 

The town was very quiet during the whole evening 
and the night following. Those who were from the 
country went home with a merry heart, and the next 
day joy appeared in almost every countenance, some 
on account of the destruction of the tea, others on 
account of the quietness with which it was done. 
One of the Monday's papers says that the masters 
and owners are well pleased that their ships are thus 
cleared, without their being responsible. 



49. Another Account of the Tea 
Party 

By John Andrews (1773) 

The house was so crowded that I could get no fur- 
ther than the porch. I found the moderator was just 
declaring the meeting to be dissolved. This caused 
another general shout out-doors and inside, and three 
cheers. 

What with that and the consequent noise of break- 
ing up the meeting, you'd have thought the inhabit- 
ants of the infernal regions had broken loose. For 
my part I went contentedly home and finished my 
tea, but was soon informed what was going forward. 

As I could not believe it without seeing for myself, 
I went out and was satisfied. The Indians mustered, 
I'm told, upon Fort Hill, to the number of about two 
hundred, and proceeded, two by two, to GrifBn's 
wharf, where Hall, Bruce, and Coffin's vessels lay. 

Coffin's ship had arrived at the wharf only the day 
before, and was freighted with a large quantity of 



4 


t 


1 


H 1 

i 










m 



A COLONIAL TEA-SET. 



1 66 Preparing for Revolution [no. 50 

other goods, which they took the greatest care not to 
injure in the least. 

Before nine o'clock in the evening every chest on 
board the three vessels was knocked to pieces and 
flung over the sides. They say the actors were Indians 
from Narragansett. Whether they were or not, to a 
transient observer they appeared such. 

They were clothed in blankets, with their heads 
muffled and copper colored faces. Each was armed 
with a hatchet or axe or pair of pistols. Nor was 
their dialect different from what I imagine the real 
Indians to speak, as their jargon was nonsense to all 
but themselves. 

Not the least insult was offered to any person, 
except to Captain Connor, a livery-stable keeper in this 
place, who came across the ocean not many years 
since. He ripped up the lining of his coat and waist- 
coat under the arms, and, watching his opportunity, 
he nearly filled them with tea. 

When detected he was handled pretty roughly. 
The people not only stripped him of his clothes, but 
gave him a coat of mud, with a severe bruising into 
the bargain. Nothing but their utter aversion to 
making any disturbance prevented his being tarred 
and feathered. 



Supposed 
to have been 
written by 
Joseph War- 
ren, who was 
killed at the 
battle of Bun- 
ker Hill two 
years later. 



50. Free America 

By Joseph Warren (1774) 

That seat of science, Athens, 

And earth's proud mistress, Rome; 

Where now are all their glories } 
We scarce can find. a tomb. 



No. 50] Free America 167 

Then guard your rights, Americans, 

Nor stoop to lawless sway ; 
Oppose, oppose, oppose, oppose, 

For North America. Warren 

seems to 

We led fair Freedom hither, ^^ve pro- 

. , , , , .11, nounced the 

And lo, the desert smiled ! word 

A paradise of pleasure "Amerikay." 

Was opened in the wild ! 
Your harvest, bold Americans, 

No power shall snatch away ! 
Huzza, huzza, huzza, huzza, 

For free America. 

Torn from a world of tyrants, 

Beneath this western sky. 
We formed a new dominion, 

A land of liberty : 
The world shall own we're masters here ; 

Then hasten on the day : 
Huzza, huzza, huzza, huzza. 

For free America. 

Proud Albion bowed to Caesar, Albion = 

And numerous lords before ; England. 

To Picts, to Danes, to Normans, 

And many masters more : 
But we can boast, Americans, 

We've never fallen a prey ; 
Huzza, huzza, huzza, huzza. 

For free America. 

God bless this maiden climate. 

And through its vast domain 
May hosts of heroes cluster. 

Who scorn to wear a chain : 



Main 
ocean. 



A prophecy : 
France, 1798; 
England, 
1812; 
Spain, 1898. 



168 Preparing for Revolution [no. 51 

And blast the venal sycophant 
That dares our rights betray; 

Huzza, huzza, huzza, huzza, 
For free America. 

Lift up your hands, ye heroes. 

And swear with proud disdain. 
The wretch that would ensnare you, 

Shall lay his snares in vain : 
Should Europe empty all her force, 

We'll meet her in array, 
And fight and shout, and shout and fight 

For North America. 

Some future day shall crown us, 

The masters of the main. 
Our fleets shall speak in thunder 

To England, France, and Spain ; 
And the nations over the ocean spread 

Shall tremble and obey 
The sons, the sons, the sons, the sons 

Of brave America. 



The cele- 
brated 

Charlfs Car- 
roll, of Car- 
roUton, 
signer of the 
Declaration 
of Indepen- 
dence, 
/"lo.ooo = 
^50,000. 



51 



Inside the Continental 
Congress 

By John Adams (1774) 



This day Mr. Chase introduced to us a Mr. Car- 
roll, of Annapolis, a very sensible gentleman, a Ro- 
man Catholic and of the first fortune in America. 
His income is ten thousand pounds sterling a year 
now, will be fourteen in two or three years they say. 



No. 52] 



" Yankee Doodle " 



i6g 



Besides, his father has a vast estate which will some 
day be his. 

Sunday. — Spent the evening at home ; wrote many to go to 
letters to go by Mr. Paul Revere. Massachu- 

setts 

Wednesday. — Dined with Mr. R. Penn ; a magnifi- 
cent house, a most splendid feast, and a very large 
company. 

Young Ned Rutledge is a perfect Bob-o-Lincoln, — Edward Rut- 
a swallow, a sparrow, a peacock; excessively vain, J^^ge "lem- 
excessively weak, and excessively variable and un- gressfrom 
steady. Mr. Dickinson is very modest, delicate, and ^°^^^ c^'^- 

. ,"^ lina. 

timid. 

Friday. — Took our departure, in a very great rain 
from the happy, the peaceful, the elegant, the hospi- 
table and polite city of Philadelphia. 



52. Yankee Doodle 

Father and I went down to camp, 
Along with Captain Gooding, 

And there we see the men and boys. 
As thick as hasty pudding. 

Chonis — Yankee Doodle, keep it up, 
Yankee Doodle, dandy. 
Mind the music and the step, 
And with the girls be handy. 

And there w'e see a thousand men, 

As rich as 'Squire David ; 
And what they wasted every day 

I wish it could be saved. 



This is the 
full text of the 
first pub- 
lished ver- 
sion of Yan- 
kee Doodle. 
It is in Yan- 
kee dialect, 
and must not 
be followed 
as a model 
of good 
grammar. 
The tune was 
first used by 
the British 
and then 
taken up by 
the Ameri- 
cans. 



I 7 o Preparing for Revolution [no. 52 

The 'lasses they eat every day 
Would keep an house a winter ; 

They have as much that, I'll be bound, 
They eat it when they're a mind to. 



A cannon. 



And there we see a swamping gun, 
Large as a log of maple, 

Upon a deuced little cart, 
A load for father's cattle. 



And every time they shoot it off, 
It takes a horn of powder, 

And makes a noise like father's gun, 
Only a nation louder. 

I went as nigh to one myself 

As Siah's underpinning; 
And father went as nigh again, 

I thought the deuce was in him. 



Run away. 



Cousin Simon grew so bold, 

I thought he would have cocked it ; 
It scared me so, I shrinked it off. 

And hung by father's pocket. 



Musket with 
a bayonet. 



And Captain Davis had a gun, 
He kind of clapt his hand on't. 

And stuck a crooked stabbing iron 
Upon the Httle end on't. 



Bomb-shells. 



And there I see a pumpkin shell 
As big as mother's bason ; 

And every time they touched it off. 
They scampered Hke the nation. 



No. 52] " Yankee Doodle " 171 

I see a little barrel too, Drums. 

The heads were made of leather, 
They knocked iipon't with Httle clubs 

And called the folks tosrether. 



And there was Captain Washington, 

And gentlefolks about him, 
They say he's grown so tarnal proud 

He will not ride without 'em. 

He got him on his meeting clothes. 

Upon a slapping staUion, 
He set the world along in rows. 

In hundreds and in miUions. 

The flaming ribbons in his hat, 

They looked so tearing fine ah, 
I wanted pockily to get. 

To give to my Jemimah. 

I see another snarl of men 

A digging graves, they told me, intrench- 

So tarnal long, so tarnal deep, 

They 'tended they should hold me. 

It scared me so, I hooked it off. 

Nor stopped, as I remember, 
Nor turned about, till I got home. 

Locked up in mother's chamber. 



ments. 



172 Preparing for Revolution [no. 53 



From a letter 
written July 
3. 1776, 
by John 
Adams to his 
wife the day 
after the vote 
to accept in- 
dependence, 
the day be- 
fore the sign- 
ing of the 
Declaration. 



53. Birth of Independence 

By John Adams (1776) 

Yesterday, the greatest question was decided, 
which ever was debated in America, and a greater, 
perhaps, never was nor will be decided among men. 
A resolution was passed without one dissenting col- 
ony, *' that these United Colonies are, and of right 
ought to be, free and independent States, and as such 
they have, and of right ought to have, full power to 
make war, conclude peace, establish commerce, and 
to do all other acts and things which other States may 
rightfully do." 

You will see in a few days a Declaration setting 
forth the causes which have impelled us to this 
mighty revolution, and the reasons which will justify 
it in the sight of God and man. A plan of confeder- 
ation will be taken up in a few days. 

When I look back to the year 1761, and recollect 
the argument concerning writs of assistance in the 
superior court, which I have hitherto considered as 
the commencement of this controversy between Great 
Britain and America, and run through the whole 
period, from that time to this, and recollect the series 
of political events, the chain of causes and effects, I 
am surprised at the suddenness as well as greatness 
of this revolution. 

Britain has been filled with folly, and America with 
wisdom. At least, this is my judgment. Time must 
determine. It is the will of Heaven that the two 
countries should be sundered forever. It may be the 
will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities 
still more wasting, and distresses yet more dreadful. 



No. 53] 



Independence 



173 



If this is to be the case, it will have this good effect 
at least. It will inspire us with many virtues, which 
we have not, and correct many errors, folhes and 
vices which threaten to disturb, dishonor, and destroy 
us. The furnace 
of affliction pro- 
duces refinement, 
in States as well as 
individuals. And 
the new govern- 
ments we are as- 
suming in every 
part will require 
a purification from 
our vices, and an 
augmentation of 
our virtues, or they 
will be no bless- 
ings. 

Had a Declara- 
tion of Indepen- 
dency been made 
seven months ago, 
it would have been 
attended with 
many great and glorious effects. We might, before 
this hour, have formed alliances with foreign States. 
We should have mastered Quebec, and been in pos- 
session of Canada. You will perhaps wonder how 
such a declaration would have influenced our affairs 
in Canada, but if I could write with freedom, I could 
easily convince you that it would, and explain to you 
the manner how. 

On the other hand, the delay of this declaration to 




LIBERTY BELL. 



•174 Preparing for Revolution [no. 53 



This belief 
has been jus- 
tified, though 
the precise 
day selected 
is July 4. 



this time has many great advantages attending it. 
The hopes of reconciliation, which were fondly enter- 
tained by multitudes of honest and well-meaning, 
though weak and mistaken people, have been gradu- 
ually and, at last, totally extinguished. 

Time has been given for the whole people maturely 
to consider the great question of independence, and 
to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and al- 
lure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and 
pamphlets, by debating it in assemblies, conventions, 
committees of safety and inspection, in town and 
county meetings, as well as in private conversations, 
so that the whole people, in every colony of the thir- 
teen, have now adopted it as their own act. 

This will cement the union, and avoid those heats, 
and perhaps convulsions, which might have been 
occasioned by such a declaration six months ago. 

But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, 
will be the most memorable epoch in the history of 
America. I am apt to believe that it will be cele- 
brated by succeeding generations as the great anni- 
versary festival. It ought to be commemorated, as 
the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to 
God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp 
and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, 
bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this con- 
tinent to the other, from this time forward, forever- 
more. 

You will think me transported with enthusiasm, 
but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, 
and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this dec- 
laration, and support and defend these States. Yet, 
through all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing 
light and glory. I can see that the end is more than 



No. 54] Unjust Taxation 



175 



worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph 
in that day's transaction, even although we should rue 
it, which I trust in God we shall not. 



54. A Ballad on Taxation 

By Peter St. John (1778) 

While I relate my story, 

Americans give ear; 
Of Britain's fading glory 

You presently shall hear ; 
I'll give a true relation, 

Attend to what I say 
Concerning the taxation 

Of North America. 

The cruel lords of Britain, 

Who glory in their shame. 
The project they have hit on 

They joyfully proclaim ; 
'Tis what they're striving after 

Our right to take away. 
And rob us of our charter 

In North America. 

There are two mighty speakers, 

Who rule in Parliament, 
W^ho ever have been seeking 

Some mischief to invent : 
'Twas North, and Bute his father 

The horrid plan did lay 
A mighty tax to gather 

In North America. 



Here again 
people seem 
to have said 
" Amerikay." 



The Earl of 
Bute and 
Lord North 
were in suc- 
cession the 
prime minis- 
ters of George 
IV., and 
advised coer- 
cion of 
America. 



From this 
point the poet 
is supposed 
to quote 
North and 
Bute. 



Gilliflower. 



176 Preparing for Revolution [no. 54 

These subtle arch-combiners 

Addressed the British courl, 
And both were undersigners 

Of this obscure report — 
There is a pleasant landscape 

That lieth far away 
Beyond the wide Atlantic, 

In North America. 

There is a wealthy people, 

Who sojourn in that land, 
Their churches all with steeples 

Most delicately stand ; 
Their houses like the gilly, 

Are painted red and gay : 
They flourish like the lily 

In North America. 

Their land with milk and honey 

Continually doth flow, 
The want of food or money 

They seldom ever know : 
They heap up golden treasure, 

They have no debts to pay, 
They spend their time in pleasure 

In North America. 

On turkeys, fowls and fishes, 

Most frequently they dine. 
With gold and silver dishes 

Their tables always shine. 
They crown their feasts with butter, 

They eat, and rise to play ; 
In silks their ladies flutter. 

In North America. 



No. 54] Unjust Taxation 177 

With gold and silver laces 

They do themselves adorn, 
The rubies deck their faces, 

Refulgent as the morn ! 
Wine sparkles in their glasses, 

They spend each happy day 
In merriment and dances 

In North America. 

Let not our suit affront you. 

When we address your throne ; 
O King, this wealthy country 

And subjects are your own, 
And you, their rightful sovereign. 

They truly must obey, 
You have a right to govern 

This North America. 

King, you've heard the sequel 
Of what we now subscribe : 

Is it not just and equal 

To tax this wealthy tribe } 
This question being asked. 

His majesty did say. 
My subjects shall be taxed Here the 

In North America. King speaks. 

The laws I have enacted 

I never will revoke, 
Although they are neglected, 

My fury to provoke. 

1 will forbear to flatter, 

I'll rule the mighty sway, 
I'll take away the charter 
From North America. 



178 Preparing for Revolution [no. 54 



The poet 
now returns 
to the state- 
ment of his 
own opin- 
ions. 



O George ! you are distracted, 

You'll by experience find 
The laws you have enacted 

Are of the blackest kind. 
I'll make a short digression, 

And tell you by the way. 
We fear not your oppression 

In North America. 



Our fathers were distressed, 

While in their native land ; 
By tyrants were oppressed 

As we do understand ; 
For freedom and religion 

They were resolved to stray. 
And trace the desert regions 

Of North America. 

We are their bold descendants, 

For liberty we'll fight. 
The claim to independence 

We challenge as our right ; 
'Tis what kind Heaven gave us, 

Who can take it away } 
O, Heaven sure will save us 

In North America. 

We never will knock under, 

O, George ! we do not fear 
The ratthng of your thunder. 

Nor lightning of your spear : 
Though rebels you declare us, 

We're strangers to dismay ; 
Therefore you cannot scare us 

In North America. 



No. 54] Unjust Taxation 179 

To what you have commanded 

We never will consent, 
Although your troops are landed 

Upon our continent; 
We'll take our swords and muskets, 

And march in dread array, 
And drive the British red-coats 

From North America. 

We have a bold commander, 

Who fears not sword or gun, 
The second Alexander, 

His name is Washington. 
His men are all collected. 

And ready for the fray, 
To fight they are directed 

For North America. 

We've Greene and Gates and Putnam 

To manage in the field, 
A gallant train of footmen, 

Who'd rather die than yield ; 
A stately troop of horsemen 

Trained in a martial way. 
For to augment our forces He puts in an 

In North America. ungrammat- 

ical "for" to 
make out his 

A health to our brave footmen, line. 

Who handle sword and gun. 
To Greene and Gates and Putnam 

And conquering Washington ; 
Their names be wrote in letters "Wrote," 

Which never will decay, ^^^^ f^"" 

•^ used lor 

While sun and moon do glitter "written." 

On North America. 



i8o Preparing for Revolution [no. 54 

Success unto our allies 

In Holland, France and Spain, 
Who man their ships and galleys. 

Our freedom to maintain ; 
May they subdue the rangers 

Of proud Britannia, 
And drive them from their anchors 

In North America. 

Success unto the Congress 

Of these United States, 
Who glory in the conquests 

Of Washington and Gates ; 
To all, both land and seamen, 

Who glory in the day 
When we shall all be free 

In North America. 

Success to legislation. 

That rules with gentle hand. 
To trade and navigation 

By water and by land. 
May all with one opinion 

Our wholesome laws obey. 
Throughout this vast dominion 

Of North America. 




AN artist's family. (tHE COPLEY FAMILY.) 



PART VI 
REVOLUTIONARY FIRESIDES 



55. A Philadelphia Boy's Sports 

By Alexander Gkaydon (about 1765) 

I NEVER could boast my winning at marbles or 
checkers ; and as I chiefly played them for pastime, 
I never attained to that degree of perfection in them, 
which the keener stimulus of profit is calculated to 
produce, and which alone perhaps can lead to the 
fame of an expert. 

When in possession of any of these implements that 
were reckoned handsome or good, I never felt the in- 
clination I have observed in those of better trading 
parts, of turning them into pence : with me they 
were hobby horses, not articles of commerce ; and 
though I had no dislike to money, it never impressed 
me as a primary good, a circumstance more essential 
than may be imagined, to what is called success in 
hfe. 

I do not speak of this as a virtue ; and if it were 
one, I have certainly little reason to rejoice in it. It 
is not one of those, at least, which leads to riches and 
advancement ; or which, under the world's law, has a 

183 



Graydon was 
a lively boy, 
and later a 
gallant offi- 
cer in Wash- 
ington's 
army, when 
he was made 
prisoner by 
the British. 



184 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 55 

right to look for. other than its own reward. In gym- 
nastic exercises, however, my rehsh was keen and 
altogether orthodox. 

For those of running, leaping, *swimming and skat- 
ing, no one had more appetite; and for the enjoy- 
ment of these, fatigue and hunger were disregarded. 
To these succeeded a passion for fowling and boating ; 
fishing being too sedentary and inactive for my taste. 
If furnished, on Saturday afternoon or other holyday, 
with cash enough for the purchase of powder and 
shot, or the hire of a batteau or skiff, as the propen- 
sity of the day might inchne, I had nothing more to 
wish for. In my land rambles, the environs of Phila- 
delphia for several miles round were thoroughly trav- 
ersed, from the uplands of Springetsbury, Bushhill 
and Centre-wood, to the low grounds and meadows of 
Passyunk and Moyamensing. 

In my water excursions, the sedgy shores of the 
Delaware, as well as the reedy cover of Petty's, 
League and Mud Islands, were pervaded and ex- 
plored in pursuit of ducks, reed-bird and rail. 

I ^was extremely fond of rowing, and took great 
delight in feathering my oar, sometimes skimming it 
along the surface of the water in the manner of a 
wherry man, sometimes resting it horizontally be- 
tween the thole pins in the fashion of a bargeman. 
I had also made some proficiency in sculling, w^hich 
appeared to me a highly enviable qualification : but 
the trimming of sails, laying a boat to the wind, 
with the management of the helm and the appHcation 
of the proper terms, were, in my eyes, acquirements 
truly more honourable than the best of those which 
are attained in a college. 

The subject recalls a memorable expedition I en- 



No. 55] Playing Truant 185 

gaged in, when perhaps about the age of thirteen. 
Returning from morning school at eight o'clock, a 
boy, a brother of the late Mr. Robert Morris, proposed 
an excursion to Chester, for the purpose of seeing the 
Coventry frigate which there rode at anchor. From 
a love of show his plan was to have two boats, 
whereas one would have been very ample for four 
of us, the number of the company. But then the 
projector of the voyage might have found competi- 
tors for the helm, which he wished to manage ; and 
he had accordingly secured an unambitious ship-mate, 
in a son of captain Loxley. 

A skiff he had already prepared for himself and a batteau 
his comrade, and suggested where a batteau mio-ht be Z^"^ ^ '^''^^'^ 

boat. 

obtained for the other two of the party, one Corbett 
from the island of Montserrat, and myself. Each 
boat had a sail, and he observed, that as the wind 
and tide would be favorable, we could run down in a 
few hours. I objected, that I had not breakfasted. 
Neither had he, he said, nor indeed any of us ; but 
this was of little consequence, as we could furnish 
ourselves with cakes. 

My mind varied awhile between the charms of the 
adventure and the wrong of going without permis- 
sion, and consequently subjecting my mother to a 
most distressing state of anxiety on my account. For 
I was neither an habitual truant-player, nor regard- 
less of the feelings of a most affectionate parent, 
though I should have been ashamed to have said so. 
But such was the eagerness for the frolic with my 
friends that it would not admit of a moment's delay ; 
and the allurements of pleasure proving too strong 
for principle, I yielded to persuasion, and we em- 
barked. 



1 86 Revolutionary Fii^esides [no. 55 

It was a fine morning ; a gentle breeze propelled 
us in our course, and in a few hours we were delight- 
fully wafted to the place of destination. We saw the 
frigate, had the pleasure of sajling round her, the 
satisfaction of counting her guns, of contemplating 
her bright sides, (for she appeared to be new,) of 
admiring her rigging, and the duck-Hke beauty with 
which she sat upon the water. 

But here we ended. Water excursions are keen 
whetters of the appetite, and the calls of hunger 
began to be heard. I forget whether we had taken 
any cakes with us, but if we had, the supply had been 
very insufficient for the day's provision. Hereupon, 
a canvass took place of the state of our pockets : they 
were found empty and penniless : We were, in short, 
a miserable crew, and since we were too proud to beg 
for food, we had no resource but unripe fruit. 

As the wind was unfavourable to our return, we 
were obliged to wait for the turning of the tide, and 
in the mean time, employed ourselves in sauntering 
about the village, the orchards, and the shore. We 
found, too, that we were very much out in our reck- 
oning, the flood-tide not making for above an hour 
later than our calculation. 

At length, however, we had the joy of finding that 
the marks we had made in the sand were covered 
by the water, and that floating substances were at a 
stand, if not really changed in their direction. 

We hailed the event, and immediately embarked. 
But now our toils began. It was already late in the 
afternoon : The wind, still ahead, had considerably 
increased, and the lowering aspect of the sky indi- 
cated approaching rain. It came on about dusk, and 
in this situation we had to tug at our oars like gal- 



No. 55] Swimming and Skating 187 

ley slaves, for the whole distance of from sixteen to 
eighteen miles. Then it was, we perceived the folly 
of taking two boats. It was between ten and eleven 
at night when we reached the city, wet, almost starved, 
and exhausted with labor. As I well knew what must 
be my mother's cruel situation, I hastened to show 
myself, and found her a prey to the most greatest 
anxiety. 

She had not been able to obtain any satisfactory 
tidings of me, and knew not what to conclude. My 
trespass, however, being readily forgiven, I had some 
supper and went to bed. Great fatigue, especially 
when it has been mingled with anxiety, is not favora- 
ble to repose, and I slept but ill. 

The exercises of swimming and skating were so 
much within the reach of the boys of Philadelphia, 
that it would have been surprising, had they neglected 
them, or even had they not excelled in them. Both 
Delaware and Schuylkill present the most convenient 
and delightful shores for swimming, whilst the heat 
and the length of the summers invite to the luxury of 
bathing ; and these same rivers seldom fail in winter, 
to offer the means of skating ; and when they do, the 
ponds always afford them. 

With respect to skating, though the Philadelphians 
have never reduced it to rules like the Londoners, nor 
connected it with their business like Dutchmen, I will 
yet hazard the opinion, that they were the best and 
most elegant skaters in the world. I have seen New 
England skaters. Old England skaters, and Holland 
skaters, but the best of them could but *' make the 
judicious grieve." 



I 8 8 Revolutionary Firesides [No. 56 

56. A Little Letter from a Future 
President 

By John Quincy i^HuAMs (1774) 

October 13, 1774. 

The boy was gj^^ — \ havc been trying ever since you went 

then only , . , t 1 n 1 

seven years avvay to learn to write you a letter. I shall make 

old. 




YOUNG JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 



No. 57] 



A Court Belle 



189 



poor work of it ; but, sir, mamma says you will accept 
my endeavors, and that my duty to you may be ex- 
pressed in poor writing as well as good. I hope I 
grow a better boy, and that you will have no occasion 
to be ashamed of me when you return. Mr. Thaxter 
says I learn my books well. He is a very good 
master. I read my books to mamma. We all long 
to see you. I am, sir, your dutiful son, 

John Quincy Adams. 



57. An American Belle at Court 

By Margaret Hutchinson (1774) 

My task is over. I have been at court again. It 
has been a fatiguing though not altogether an un- 
pleasant day. I sent yesterday to Mrs. Keene to 
know if it would be agreeable to her to go to-day. 
We were both of a mind ; for while a servant was 
going with my card she sent one to me ; and to-day 
about one o'clock papa and I set off for St. James. 
We called for Mrs. Keene, but found that one coach 
could not contain more than two such mighty hoops ; 
and papa and Mr. K. were obliged to go in another 
coach. 

There was a very full Drawing-Room for the time 
of year. The King and Queen both spoke to me. 
I felt much easier than I did before, as I had not the 
ceremony of being presented to go through : indeed, 
my dear, it is next to being married. I thought I 
should not mind it, but there is something that strikes 
an awe when you enter the Royal Presence. 

I had, however, many compliments paid me on my 



Margaret 
was daughter 
of Governor 
Hutchinson, 
whose house 
was plun- 
dered in 1765. 

St. James is 
the royal 
palace in 
London. 



King 

George III, 
and Queen 
Charlotte. 



I go Revolutionary Firesides [no. 57 

performance : if I tell you what the Queen said of 
me to-day, will you not think me vain ? The com- 
pany all stand round in a circle, and the King and 
Queen go round, and speak to everybody that has 
been presented. As she advanced toward me, I felt 
in a little flutter, and whispered Mrs. K. that I should 
behave like a fool. ''You need not," says she, "for 
the Queen has been saying many fine things of you 
to my sister. She says you are very genteel, and 
have much the appearance of a woman of fashion." 

I can't say but I felt of more importance, and per- 
haps answered her questions with a better grace. 
She asked me how long I had been in town } I 
answered : " About a fortnight." 

" Are you come for the winter } " 

*' Yes, ma-am." 

*' How do you like England — better than the coun- 
try you came from } " 

" I think it a very fine country." 

" What part of it have you been in } " 

" Norfolk." 

" I hope you have your health better for it." 

" Much better." Thus ended our conversation ; 
and had it been with any other than a queen, I 
should have thought it too trifling to relate. She 
told papa she was very glad to see his daughter look 
so well. We were fatigued with standing, and got 
out of the Presence Chamber as soon as we could. 

Lord Dartmouth came and spoke to me. I con- 
gratulated him on the birth of his daughter, which is a 
great rarity, after seven sons. He is the most amia- 
ble man I ever saw ; and was he not married, and not 
a Lord, I should be tempted to set my cap at him, — 
two substantial reasons however to prevent me. 



No. 58] Anxieties of War i g i 

Four of the young Princes came in after I had Probably 
been there about half an hour. I never saw four so J*^^^^^'^- 

Prince of 

fine boys. After the Drawing- Room was over we Waies; 

went into the nursery, and saw the rest of them. George, later 

I was highly dehghted, and could hardly keep my George iv.; 

hands off them : such sweet creatures I never beheld, wiiiiam, 

The Princess Royal with two sisters and a little boy w^njam"ni • 

whom I took to be about three years old, stood in a and Edward, 

row, one just above the other, and a little one in lead- ^*'^^^°^ 

'J ' Queen 

ing Strings, sitting in a chair behind them, composed victoria, 
this beautiful group. 

I was determined, if possible, to kiss one of their 
little hands, and with some difficulty persuaded 
Mrs. K. to go up to them, there being a great deal 
of company in the room. She at last went, and I 
followed her. I asked Prince Ernest for his hand, 
which he very readily gave me, and I gave it a very 
hearty kiss. 

They behaved very prettily : they courtesied to 
everybody that came in, and the boy nodded his 
head just like little Tom Oliver. We did not get 
home till almost five o'clock, and found Elisha and 
Billy fretting for their dinner. 



58. A Woman at the War 

By Mrs. Abigail Adams (1775) 

Braintree, Sept. 14, 1774. 
In consequence of the powder being taken from Mrs. Adams, 
Charlestown, a general alarm spread through many Y'?°^-^f^" 
towns and was caught pretty soon here. The report president of 
reached here on Friday, and on Sunday a soldier was ^'^^ Umted 



192 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 58 



States, wrote 
these three 
letters to her 
husband 
while he was 
at the Con- 
gress in 
Philadelphia. 
She lived at 
Braintree 
(now 
Quincy), 
near Boston. 



The Tories 
were those 
who took the 
British side. 



seen lurking about the Common, supposed to be a 
spy, but most likely a deserter. 

However, intelligence of it was communicated to 
the other parishes, and about eight o'clock, Sunday 
evening, there passed by here about two hundred men, 
preceded by a horsecart, and marched down to the 
powder house, from whence they took the powder, and 
carried it into the other parish and there secreted it. 

I opened the window upon their return. They 
passed without any noise, not a word among them till 
they came opposite this house, when some of them 
perceiving me, asked me if I wanted any powder. 
I replied. No, since it was in so good hands. — The 
reason they gave for taking it was, that we had so 
many Tories here, they dared not trust us with it. 

They had taken Vinton the officer in their train, 
and upon their return called upon him to deliver two 
warrants for summoning juries. Upon his producing 
them, they put it to vote whether they should burn 
them, and it passed in the affirmative. They then 
made a circle and burnt them. They then called a 
vote whether they should huzza, but, it being Sunday 
evening, it passed in the negative. 

They called upon Vinton to swear that he would 
never be instrumental in carrying into execution any 
of these new acts. They were not satisfied with his 
answers ; however, they let him rest a few days ; 
afterwards, upon his making some foolish speeches, 
they assembled to the amount of two or three hun- 
dred, and swore vengeance upon him unless he took 
a solemn oath. Accordingly, they chose a committee 
and sent it with him to Major Miller's to see that he 
complied ; and they waited his return, which proving 
satisfactory, they dispersed. 



No. 58] Anxieties of War 193 

This town appears as high as you can well imagine, 
and, if necessary, would soon be in arms. Not a Tory 
but hides his head. 

The church parson thought they were coming after Episcopal 
him, and ran up garret ; they say another jumped out ^^^^rgyman. 
of his window and hid among the corn, whilst a third 
crept under his board fence and told his beads. 

May 24, 1775. 

I suppose you have had a formidable account of 
the alarm we had last Sunday morning. When I 
rose, about six o'clock, I was told that the drums had 
been some time beating, and that three alarm guns 
were fired ; that Weymouth bell had been ringing. 

I immediately sent off an express to know the 
occasion, and found the whole town in confusion. 
Three sloops and one cutter had come out and 
dropped anchor just below Great Hill. It was in Boston, 
difficult to tell their designs; some supposed they ^^rbor. 
were coming to Germantown, others, to Weymouth. 
People, women, children, from the iron-works, came 
flocking down this way ; every woman and child 
driven off from below my father's; my father's 
family flying. 

Dr. Tufts is in great distress, as you may well 
imagine, for my aunt had her bed thrown into a cart 
into which she got herself, and ordered the boy to 
drive her to Bridgewater, which he did. 

The report which they heard was that three hun- 
dred had landed, and were upon their march up into 
town. The alarm flew like lightning, and men from 
all parts came flocking down, till two thousand were 
collected. But, it seems, their expedition was to 
Grape Island for Levett's hay. There it was impos- 



194 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 58 



Mrs. Adams 
often called 
herself 
Portia. She 
was thought 
to be like the 
wife of 
Roman 
Brutus. 



sible to reach them, for want of boats ; but the sight 
of so many persons, and the firing at them, prevented 
their getting more than three tons of hay, though 
they had carted much more down to the water. 

At last a lighter was mustered, and a sloop from 
Hingham, which had six port holes. Our men eagerly 
jumped on board, and put off for the island. As soon 
as the British perceived it, they decamped. 

Our people landed upon the island, and in an 
instant set fire to the hay, which, with the barn, was 
soon consumed ; — about eighty tons, it is said. We 
expect soon to be in continual alarms, till something 
decisive takes place. 

Our house has been, upon this alarm, in the same 
scene .of confusion that it was upon the former. 
Soldiers coming in for a lodging, for breakfast, for 
supper, for drink, &c. Sometimes refugees from 
Boston, tired and fatigued, seek an asylum for a day, 
a night, a week. You can hardly imagine how we 
live ; yet 

" To the houseless child of want 
Our doors are open still ; 
And, though our portions are but scant. 
We give them with good will." 

I wish you were nearer to us ; we know not what a 
day will bring forth, nor what distress one hour may 
throw us into. Hitherto I have been able to main- 
tain a calmness and presence of mind, and hope I 
shall, let the exigency of the time be what it will. 
Adieu, breakfast calls. 



Your affectionate 



Portia. 




A COLONIAL LADY. 



ig6 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 58 

Weymouth, June 15, 1775. 

Since I arrived here I have really had a scene 
quite novel to me. The brig Defence, from Con- 
necticut, put in here for ballast. The officers, who 
are all from thence, and who are intimately ac- 
quainted at Dr. Lothrop's, invited his lady to come 
on board, and bring with her as many of her friends 
as she could collect. 

She sent an invitation to our friend, Mrs. Warren, 
and to us. The brig lay about a mile and a half from 
town. The officers sent their barge, and we went. 
Every mark of respect and attention which was in 
their power, they showed us. She is a fine brig, 
mounts sixteen guns, twelve swivels, and carries one 
hundred and twenty men. 

A hundred and seventeen were on board, and no 
private family ever appeared under better regulation 
than the crew. It was as still as though there had 
been only half a dozen ; not a profane word among 
any of them. The captain himself is an exemplary 
man. Harden (his name) has been in nine sea 
engagements ; says if he gets a man who swears, and 
finds he cannot reform him, he turns him on shore, 
yet is free to confess, that it was the sin of his youth. 

He has one lieutenant, a very fine fellow, Smelden 
by name. We spent a very agreeable afternoon, and 
drank tea on board. They showed us their arms, 
which were sent by Queen Anne, and everything on 
board was a curiosity to me. They gave us a mock 
engagement with an enemy, and the manner of 
taking a ship. 

The young folks went upon the quarter deck and 
danced. Some of their Jacks played very well upon 
the violin and German flute. The brig bears the 



No. 59] The Ladies igy 

Continental colors, and was fitted out by the Colony 
of Connecticut. As we set off from the brig, they 
fired their guns in honor to us, a ceremony I would 
very readily have dispensed with. 



59- With the Ladies 

By Tench Tilghman (1775) 

Sunday, August 20. Hearing that General Schuy- Tilghman 
ler was at his country-seat at Saratosra, we determined ^^^ ^" 

,. .., ,. . ^ American 

to pay him a visit, and set out this morning. From officer who 
Albany to Saratoga is thirty-two miles through a served 
country entirely settled since the French war, and war.^^^*^^ 
therefore not very much improved, though pretty 
thickly settled. 

General Schuyler has a very fine settlement at 
Saratoga. The bottom just there is extensive, and 
he has two very fine saw mills and a good grist mill 
on the Fish Kill which runs^into the North River 
just by his house and is as fine a mill seat as I ever 
saw. Indeed I did not see another good one in the 
whole province. We were very genteelly entertained 
by the General and his wife and left them on Monday 
to return again to Albany. 

Tuesday, August 22. I spent the greatest part 
of this morning in a visit to the ladies, where I had 
the pleasure of being introduced to Miss Ann Schuyler, 
the General's eldest daughter. A very pretty young 
lady. A brunette with dark eyes, and a countenance 
animated and sensible as I am told she really is. 

In the afternoon I attended the funeral of old Mr. 
Doer, the father of the Commissioner. This was 



I 9 8 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 59 

something in a style new to me. The corpse was 

carried to the ground and interred without any funeral 

ceremony, tho' Clergymen attended. 

Drinking at We then returned to the house of the deceased 

funerals was ^^gj-g -^g found many tables set out with bottles, 

a great evil. -' 

cool tankards, candles, pipes and tobacco. The com- 
pany set themselves down, lighted their pipes and 
handled the bottles and tankards pretty briskly. 
Some of them I think rather too much so. I fancy 
the undertakers of the funeral had borrowed all the 
plate of the neighbourhood for the tankards and 
candle sticks were all silver or plated. 

Having taken leave of mine host, I called at 
General Schuyler's house to pay my compliments to 
the General, his wife and daughter. I found none of 
them at home but Miss Betsy Schuyler the General's 
second daughter to whom I was introduced by Mr. 
Commissary Livingston who accompanied me. I was 
prepossessed in favour of this young lady the moment 
I saw her. A brunette with the most good natured 
lively dark eyes that I ever saw, which threw a beam 
of good temper and benevolence over her whole 
countenance. 

Mr. Livingston informed me that I was not mis- 
taken in my conjecture for that she was the finest 
tempered girl in the world. On my return to town I 
waited on my ladies again to settle the plan of a jaunt 
to the Cohoes Falls. 
Driving with Wednesday, August 23. This morning we set out 
ladies was the £q^ ^^ Cohocs. Miss Lyuch and myself in a chaise. 

fashion then. . ^ ■, , >ii ttt 

We arrived at the Cohoes about 1 1 o clock. We 
had not the pleasure of viewing the beautiful fall, to 
the best advantage, as the water (from the lowness of 
the river for want of rain) did not run over more than 



No. 59] The Ladies 199 

one half of the precipice of rock which I am informed 
is seventy-four feet in height. The river there is 
about four hundred yards wide. With much diffi- 
culty we descended the hills almost perpendicular to 
the foot of the falls. My foot once sHpped, and Miss 
Lynch whom I was supporting, and myself almost 
took a short turn to the bottom. I fancy Miss 
Schuyler had been used to ramble over and climb 
grounds of this sort for she disdained all assistance 
and made herself merry at the distress of the other 
ladies. 

Tho' the water did not fairly shoot over the preci- 
pice it tumbled down the rock in a foaming sheet 
which you may imagine made a wild and most agree- 
able appearance. Having gained the summit of the 
hill we adjourned to a neighbouring farm house where 
we refreshed ourselves with sherbet, biscuit and cheese 
which I had taken care to lay in. 

We then returned to a house about six miles from 
Albany where we had bespoken dinner ; we dined 
and returned to Albany in time enough to be present 
at an assembly of the Indians who were got together 
to receive the welcome of the people of Albany. 

Colonel Francis told the ladies he would treat them 
with an Indian dance before our lodgings. We there- 
fore went down there, and I to do my part of the 
civilities invited them to take a repast of sepawn and Hasty- 
milk, which the ladies of CaroHna owned was a real P^^ding or 

' mush. 

treat to them. 

Two fires being lighted up in the middle of the 
street, about eight o'clock the Indians came down, 
beating their drum, striking sticks together in exact 
time and yelling after their manner, and after singing 
some thing keeping time with their drum and sticks, 



2 00 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 60 

they would strike out into a dance around the fires 
with the most savage contortions of body and limbs. 

Then upon a signal from one of their chiefs leave 
off their dance and return again to their singing, which 
is sometimes in a slow mournful tone and sometimes 
more brisk and lively. The dance which followed 
was always slow or quick as the song had been. 

I was informed that this song was a recital of the 
warlike actions of the great men of their tribes, and 
that sometimes when worked up by drink, exercise, 
and heated imaginations, they would grow very en- 
thusiastic. The dance concluded about ten o'clock 
and being entirely novel was the more entertaining 
to the ladies. 



The writer 
was captured 
with Bur- 
goyne's army 
at Saratoga, 
and was now 
on his way 
through 
Massachu- 
setts to 
Cambridge 
as a captive. 



60. Crossing New England 

By George Pausch (1777) 

On the 19th of October we crossed the Hudson in 
a few boats, and as night had by this time overtaken 
us, we could not go any further towards Shetekok 
(Scaghticoke), a hamlet composed of Dutchmen — a 
rich and highly interesting people. Accordingly we 
were obliged to bivouac here in a meadow placed at 
our disposal. From this time on we began to find 
great abundance of apples, from which an incredible 
quantity of cider is made both in New York and all 
the New England States, which can be kept from 
three to four years. 

At this place they first began to steal our horses — 
an infernal proceeding, which they have kept up 
through our entire march. By way of comfort they 
tell us that we have either stolen them ourselves, or 



No. 60] New England 201 

else have bought them from persons friendly to the 
king, who in tm-n have stolen the horses from them ! 
Moreover, they further tell us that we will now 
become acquainted with the old Roman law, '' I take 
mine own wherever I find it." We cannot understand, 
however, how they can confound Canadian and Ger- 
man horses with theirs ! 

On the 20th of October, we passed many Dutch 
and German farm-houses. The farmers have immense 
stores of grain, large heaps of which lie in mows 
covered with movable roofs. We went this day as 
far as a small town on the Hudson, founded by two Now 
individuals named French, who have built beautiful Lansmgburg, 
dweUings and ware-houses. Both of these gentlemen, 
however, being Tories, — that is, friendly to the 
king, — they were forced to abandon their property. 
Bakers, smiths, and artisans had estabhshed them- 
selves in this village, but most of the houses were 
standing empty. 

We found here a well-equipped hospital, in which 
we met several wounded soldiers belonging to our 
army. They told us that they were given tea, sugar, 
chocolate, and wine, notwithstanding these articles 
were extremely dear. Our troops had to bivouac at 
this place and encounter the discomforts of a snow- 
and rain-storm during the night. 

Presently we entered a large and wild mountainous The Hoosac 
district, dismal enough to silence the most disobedient J^^^^^^Teen- 
child by threatening to send it there if it did not behave field. 
itself. 

On the 27th of October it rained still more. I felt 
so vexed and silent that I threw myself upon an open 
barn-floor, hoping to get sorre rest; but the cold, 
together with a wind- and hail-storm that was raging, 



2 o 2 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 6o 

banished all sleep. Then, again, the thoughts of 
to-morrow's march stung me. 

On the 28th we had alternately hail, rain, and 
snow. The wind was so piercing, that, no matter 
how warmly we wrapped ourselves in our cloaks, it 
penetrated to the very marrow. In addition, our wet 
clothes froze as stiff as iron. A grenadier froze to 
death upon the march, many pack-horses were lost in 
the same way, and since that time I am firmly con- 
vinced that a man can endure a greater amount of 
hardship than a horse. 

The oldest soldiers admitted that they had never 
before experienced such a march. Towards evening, 
we had advanced only ten miles to Westfield, a very 
neat little village. The experience that we had passed 
through that day so aroused the sympathies of the 
inhabitants, that they opened their doors to us. It is 
the custom in this place to put lightning-rods on the 
churches and all the handsome buildings and houses, 
to prevent their being struck by lightning. 

On the 29th, the rain continued, accompanied by 
snow and hail. The roads were still bad, but not so 
dreadful as before. We were taken into the houses 
of the villagers. The people were tolerably kind, but 
cursed inquisitive. From this village, and in fact 
from the entire neighborhood, whole families of women 
and their daughters came to visit us, going from house 
to house to gaze upon the prisoners. 

From the general down to the common soldier, all 
had to stand inspection. The higher the rank of the 
person so visited, the longer they stayed and '* sized 
him up " ! I was delighted when they soon left me, 
but my brigadier, in spite of his horrible grimaces, 
was not so fortunate. 



No. 60] New England Weather 203 

I offered chairs to the pretty girls, and by this 
means gained time partially to revenge myself by 
watching them in my turn. Finally, we became tired 
of this sort of thing, as one party after another 
continued to enter our rooms without knocking. I 
actually believe that our host charged an admission- 
fee to see us. 

On the 30th, we had a day of rest. Early in the 
morning I had myself shaved, and powdered my hair. 
It is the custom of the women and girls in this neigh- 
borhood either to sit upon side-saddles or ride upon 
pillows placed at the backs of their husbands or gal- 
lants. Very often a young beauty may be seen leading 
an entire caravan at full gallop. The young " bucks," 
with their miserable clothing and female trappings, 
look as if they had stolen their attire from the women 
themselves. 

On the 4th, a short march brought us to Worcester 
— a thriving little city. After much discussion the 
citizens finally allowed us to occupy their houses 
and barns — one battalion being quartered in a large 
meeting-house. Our brigadier and myself lodged 
with a lady of distinction who had two sons in the 
EngUsh army, and whose husband was residing for 
the time being in England. 

She was obliged to pay rent for living in her own 
beautiful house, and her furniture had been levied on 
by the Committee. In order, also, to make her Hfe 
as happy and tranquil as possible, the Committee had 
taken possession of her land, and in fact exercised a 
general supervision over her entire possessions ! To 
prevent, moreover, anything from being stolen, the 
Committee have put large locks on the house. This 
lady, whose condition we pitied from the bottom of 



2 04 Revolutionary Firesides [no.6i 

our hearts, received us with attention and friendliness. 
She had been well brought up ; and her two very 
handsome daughters seemed to pattern after her. 

Indeed, we hesitated to receive the many attentions 
she showered upon us, and we insisted upon doing 
our own cooking. The elder daughter presented her 
betrothed to us — a very worthy young man, who in 
his turn introduced us to other reputable young men 
in the town. These in former days had servants to 
wait upon them, but were now compelled to bow the 
knee before the gentlemen composing the Committee. 

In every city, village, and county Congress has 
appointed Committees, who rule subject to its ap- 
proval, and see to it that all of its decrees are obeyed. 
Indomitable zeal in the maintenance of liberty and 
the execution of the commands of Congress are the 
necessary requisites for membership in this Committee 
— a membership which confers upon one the power 
to rule over his fellow-citizens. 

These gentlemen were in other times plebeians ; 
and Heaven help him who is suspected by them of 
being a Tory ! Many families are now living under 
this suspicion. At their command the minister leaves 
the altar, and the male members of his congregation 
grasp the musket and the powder-horn. 



6 1. Pretty Girls in New England 

By a German Officer (1777) 

December 18, 1777. 

Friends : I am at last in Kinderhook, whence I 
promised to write you a chapter about pretty girls. 
Before, however, reading my narrative to a lady, ex- 



No. 6i 



Pretty Girls 



205 



amine it carefully so as to see if there is any danger 
of its causing future trouble between me and my dear 
countrywomen. Should you decide against it, have 
mercy on me, and upset the ink-stand on the entire 
chapter ! 




A PRETTY NEW ENGLAND GIRL. 



The ladies in this vicinity, and as far as Boston 
and New York, are slender, of erect carriage, and, 
without being strong, are plump. They have small 
and pretty feet, good hands and arms, a very white 
skin, and a healthy color in the face which requires 



2o6 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 6i 



Smallpox 
was very 
common, 
and many- 
ladies bore 
the terrible 
scars in their 
f.ices. In- 
oculation 
was a process 
of deliber- 
ately taking 
smallpox in 
a light form. 
It was given 
up when 
vaccination 
came in. 



no further embellishment. I have seen few disfigured 
by pock-marks, for inoculation against smallpox has 
been in vogue here for many years. 

They have, also, exceedingly white teeth, pretty 
lips, and sparkling, laughing eyes. In connection 
with these charms they have a natural bearing, essen- 
tially unrestrained, with open, frank countenances, and 
much native assurance. They are great admirers of 
cleanliness, and keep themselves well shod. They 
frizz their hair every day, and gather it up on the 
back of the head into a knot, at the same time puff- 
ing it up in front. 

They generally walk about with their heads uncov- 
ered ; and sometimes, but not often, wear some light 
fabric on their hair. Now and then some country 
nymph has her hair flowing down behind her, braid- 
ing it with a piece of ribbon. Should they go out 
(even though they be living in a hut), they throw a 
silk wrap about themselves and put on gloves. They 
have a charming way of wearing this wrap by means 
of which they manage to show a portion of a small 
white elbow. 

They also put on some well-made and stylish little 
sun-bonnets, from beneath which their roguish eyes 
have a most fascinating way of meeting yours. In 
the English colonies the beauties have fallen in love 
with red silk or woollen wraps. Dressed in this man- 
ner, a girl will walk, run, or dance about you, and bid 
you a friendly good-morning or give you a saucy 
answer according to what you have said to her. At 
all places through which we passed dozens of girls 
were met with on the road, who either laughed at us 
mockingly, or now and then roguishly offered us an 
apple, accompanied by a little courtesy. 



No, 6i] Pretty Girls 207 

At first we thought they were girls from the city, 
or at least from the middle classes ; but lo and behold ! 
they were the daughters of poor farmers. Notwith- 
standing the many pretty things I have said about 
the gentler sex in this country, I must still give my 
loved countrywomen the credit of possessing certain German 
gentle, lovable, and tender qualities which lend addi- ^^'^^^^• 
tional attractions to their charms, but which are 
entirely lacking in the beauties to be found here. 

Most perfectly formed and beautiful maids are to 
be seen on all sides ; but to find one endowed with 
all the attractions of one of the graces is a very diffi- 
cult thing. Enough of this, however. I think it high 
time to bring this disquisition to a close ; and I shall 
now do so after stating that the fair sex were the 
cause of our losing some of our comrades on the 23d 
of October. 

One of the things which particularly strikes me in 
this country is the evident mastery that the women 
possess over the men. In Canada this power is used 
by the women to further the interests of the men ; 
but here it is used nearly to ruin them. The wives 
and daughters of these people spend more than their 
incomes upon finery. The man must fish up the last 
penny he has in his pocket. 

The funniest part of it is, that the women do not 
seem to steal it from them ; neither do they obtain it 
by cajolery, fighting, or falling into a faint. How 
they obtain it — as obtain it they do — Heaven only 
knows ; but that the men are heavily taxed for their 
extravagance is certain. 

The daughters keep up their stylish dressing be- 
cause the mothers desire it. Should the mother die, 
her last words are to the effect that the daughter must 



2o8 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 62 

retain control of the father's money-bags. Nearly all 
articles necessary for the adornment of the female 
sex are at present either very scarce or dear, and for 
this reason they are now wearing their Sunday finery. 
Should this begin to show signs of wear I am afraid 
that the husband and father will be compelled to 
make their peace with the Crown if they would keep 
their women-folks supplied with gewgaws ! 



62. A Child of the Revolution 

By Samuel Breck (i 771-1782) 

I WAS born on the 17th of July, 1771, in the then 
town of Boston. It was at a period of political ex- 
citement, and I feel myself identified with the Revo- 
lution, having been nursed at Lexington, where the 
first blood was spilt, and an unconscious spectator of 
the great battle of Bunker Hill. 

I say unconscious, because at the date of that battle 
(17th of June, 1775) I was too young to receive a 
durable impression, or indeed any recollection at all 
about it. I have been told, however, that the woman 
who had the care of me stood on an eminence with 
me in her arms watching the engagement. 

I remember perfectly an event that took place 
shortly after. Boston was closely invested by Wash- 
ington, and in the bombardment a shell fell in our 
courtyard that cracked a beautiful mirror by the con- 
cussion of the air in bursting, and gave my father a 
broad hint to provide for the safety of his family. 

He obtained a passport from the British general, 
and, being allowed to traverse the camp of the 



No. 62] Stirring Childhood 209 

besiegers, brought his wife and children to Philadel- 
phia, stopping a few days at New York, and travelhng 
from that city in company with the late Vice-President, 
George Clinton, who, as I have heard my father say, 
had the kindness to bring me part of the way in his 
sulky. 

My parents have often told me how hospitably we 
were received in that city, where, in common with 
all the colonies, a strong sympathy was entertained 
for the sufferers in Boston. I, of course, have few 
recollections of that period. One thing only can I 
remember, and that is the inoculation of my sister 
and myself for the small-pox. 

We stayed a few months in Philadelphia, and then 
removed to Taunton in Massachusetts, in order to be 
ready to enter Boston as soon as the British should 
evacuate the town. It was here at Taunton that I 
distinctly recollect seeing the procession of the Pope 
and the Devil on the 5th of November, the anni- On Novem- 
versary of the Gunpowder Plot. Effig-ies of those ^^^ 5. 1605, 

.I, . T , ^ , Guy Fawkes 

two illustrious personages were paraded round the tried to blow 
Common, and this was perhaps the last exhibition up the House 

r ,1 1 . 1 . of Parliament 

01 the kind m our country. in London. 

In due time we returned to Boston, and having it used to be 

been nursed, as I said before, at Lexington, I may makea"™ 

boast of having been cradled in the midst of the brave stuffed figure 

men who so nobly commenced and so gloriously ter- 1° ^^p''*^^^"^^ 

-^ o y him on each 

minated our immortal war of Independence. Novembers. 

The winter of 1780 was colder than any that has 
occurred since. I was then a scholar at Chelsea, and 
perfectly well remember being driven by my father's 
coachman, in a sleigh with two horses, on the ice 
directly across the bay of Boston, starting from the 
north part of the town, and keeping for many miles 



2 I o Revolutionary Firesides [no. 62 

on the ice, which we left, to traverse farms, without 
being stopped by the stone fences, which were all 
covered with snow. 

It was in the summer that suceeded this cold 
weather, I think, that the famous Dark Day happened 
in New England. I was at the same school. It 
began about eleven o'clock in the morning, when I 
was standing by the master reading my lesson. The 
light grew dim, and in a very short time faded into 
utter darkness. The school was dismissed, and we 
went below stairs. The cause was wholly inexplicable 
at the time, nor do I find that it has ever been satis- 
factorily explained. Some ascribed it to an extensive 
conflagration in the backwoods, but I do not remem- 
ber any heavy smoke or other indication of fire. 

I know that candles were lit, and the frightened 
neighbors groped their way to our house for spiritual 
consolation and joined in prayer with our reverend 
principal, and that after we had dined by candlelight 
— probably about three o'clock — it cleared up and 
became bright enough to go abroad. 

The day having been one of terror, and now more 
than two-thirds spent, we were not called to school in 
the afternoon, but were permitted to go into the 
fields to gather fruit and bird's eggs. Yet the suc- 
ceeding night was "palpably obscure." Many acci- 
dents happened to those who were on the road. 
Nothing could exceed the darkness. No doubt there 
was a natural cause for it, but whether smoke or 
vapor, or other atmospherical density, remains un- 
known. 

Beacon Hill was a famous spot, known to every- 
body who knew anything of Boston. It received its 
'name from a beacon that stood on it. Spokes were 



No. 62] The Dark Day 211 

fixed in a large mast, on the top of which was placed 
a barrel of pitch or tar, always ready to be fired on 
the approach of the enemy. 

Around this pole I have fought many battles, as a 
South End boy, against the boys of the North End 
of the town ; and bloody ones too, with slings and 
stones very skilfully and earnestly used. In what a 
state of semi-barbarism did the rising generations of 
those days exist ! From time immemorial these hos- 
tilities were carried on by the juvenile part of the 
community. 

The schoolmasters whipped, parents scolded — 
nothing could check it. Was it a remnant of the 
fighting habit of our British ancestors } or was it an 
untamed feehng arising from our colonial situation } 
Whatever was the cause, everything of the kind 
ceased with the ending of our Revolutionary War. 

I forget on what holiday it was that the Anticks, 
another exploded remnant of colonial manners, used 
to perambulate the town. They have ceased to do it 
now, but I remember them as late as 1782. They 
were a set of the lowest blackguards, who, disguised 
in filthy clothes and ofttimes with masked faces, went 
from house to house in large companies, and thrust 
themselves everywhere, particularly into rooms that 
were occupied by parties of ladies and gentlemen ; 
and they would demean themselves with great inso- 
lence. I have seen them at my father's, when his 
assembled friends were at cards, take possession of a 
table, seat themselves on rich furniture and proceed 
to handle the cards, to the great annoyance of the 
company. The only way to get rid of them was to 
give them money, and listen patiently to a foolish 
dialogue between two or more of them. One of them 



2 12 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 62 

would cry out, '* Ladies and gentlemen sitting by the 
fire, put your hands in your pockets and give us our 
desire." When this was done and they had received 
some money, a kind of acting took place. One fellow 
was knocked down, and lay sprawHng on the carpet, 
while another bellowed out, 

" See there he lies, 
But ere he dies 
A doctor must be had." 

He calls for a doctor, who soon appears, and enacts 
the part so well that the wounded man revives. In 
this way they would continue for half an hour ; and 
it happened not unfrequently that the house would 
be filled by another gang when these had departed. 
There was no refusing admittance. Custom had 
licensed these vagabonds to enter even by force any 
place they chose. 

The celebrated Latin School in my days was kept 
by Mr. Hunt. He was a severe master, and flogged 
heartily. I went on, however, very well with him, 
mollifying his stern temper by occasional presents in 
money, which my indulgent father sent to him by me. 
Thus my short career at his school (seventeen or 
eighteen months) passed without any corporal correc- 
tion. I was even sometimes selected for the honor- 
able office of sawing and piling his wood, which to 
most boys is a vastly more dehghtful occupation than 
chopping logic, working themes or dividing sums ; in 
short, a translation from intellectual labor to any 
bodily toil was looked upon as a special favor, and, 
dunces as we were, we preferred it greatly to a trans- 
lation from Latin into English. 



No. 63] A?i Honest Man 213 

63. A Conscientious Traitor 

By Timothy Dwight (1778) 

Among the prisoners taken by the Americans at 
the battle of Hoosac, was an inhabitant of Hancock 
in the County of Berkshire — a plain farmer, named 
Richard Jackson. This man had conscientiously taken 
the British side in the Revolutionary contest, and felt 
himself bound to seize the earliest opportunity of em- 
ploying himself in the service of his sovereign. 

Hearing that Colonel Baum was advancing with a 
body of troops toward Bennington, he rose early, sad- 
dled his horse, and rode to Hoosac, intending to attach 
himself to this corps. Here he was taken in such cir- 
cumstances as proved his intention beyond every rea- 
sonable doubt. He was besides too honest to deny 
it. Accordingly, he was transmitted to Great Barring- 
ton, then the shire-town of Berkshire, and placed in 
the hands of General Fellows, High-Sheriff of the 
County, who immediately confined him in the County 
jail. 

This building was at that time so infirm, that with- 
out a guard no prisoner could be kept in it who 
wished to make his escape. To escape, however, 
was not according to Richard's idea of right ; and he 
thought no more about making an attempt of this 
nature, than he would have done had he been in his 
own house. 

After he had lain quietly in jail a few days, he told 
the Sheriff that he was losing his time and earning 
nothing, and wished that he would permit him to go 
out and work in the daytime, promising to return 
regularly at evening to his quarters in the prison. 



2 14 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 63 

The Sheriff had become acquainted with his char- 
acter, and readily acceded to his proposal. Accord- 
ingly, Richard went out regularly during the remaining 
part of the autumn, and the following winter and 
spring, until the beginning of May ; and every night 
returned at the proper hour to the jail. In this man- 
ner he performed a day's work every day, with scarcely 
any exception beside the Sabbath, through the whole 
period. 

In the month of May, he was to be tried for high- 
treason. The Sheriff accordingly made preparations 
to conduct him to Springfield, where his trial was to 
be held. But he told the Sheriff that it was not 
worth his while to take this trouble, for he could just 
as well go alone ; and it would save both the expense 
and inconvenience of the Sheriff's journey. The Sher- 
iff, after a little reflection, assented to his proposal; 
and Richard commenced his journey — the only one, 
it is believed, which was ever undertaken in the same 
manner for the same object. 

In the woods of Tyringham, he was overtaken by 
the Honorable T. Edwards, from whom I had this 
story. ''Whither are you going.?" said Mr. Ed- 
wards. "To Springfield, sir," answered Richard, 
"to be tried for my life." Accordingly, he proceeded 
directly to Springfield, was tried, found guilty, and 
condemned to die. 

The Council of Massachusetts was, at this time, 
the supreme executive of the State. AppHcation 
was made to this Board for a pardon. The facts 
were stated, the evidence by which they were sup- 
ported, and the sentence grounded on them. The 
question was then put by the President, " Shall a 
pardon be granted to Richard Jackson } " 



No. 63] 



An Honest Man 



215 



The gentleman who first spoke observed that the 
case was perfectly clear ; the act alleged against 
Jackson was unquestionably high-treason ; and the 
proof was complete. If a pardon should be granted 
in this case, he saw no reason why it should not 
be granted in every other. In the same 
manner answered those who followed 
him. 

When it came to the turn of Mr. 
Edwards, he told this story with those 
little circumstances of particularity, 
which, though they are easily lost from 
the memory and have escaped mine, give, 
light and shade a living reality, and a 
picturesque impressiveness to every tale 
which is fitted to enforce conviction, or 
to touch the heart. At the same time 
he recited it without enhancement, with- 
out expatiating, without any attempt to 
be pathetic. As is always the case, 
this simplicity gave the narration its full 
force. 

The Council began to hesitate. One 
of the members at length observed, 
*' Certainly such a man as this ought 
not be sent to the gallows." To his 
opinion the members unanimously assented. A par- 
don was immediately made out and transmitted to 
Springfield, and Richard returned to his family. 



AN OLD CLOCK. 



2 I 6 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 64 
64. A Hard Winter 

By Thomas Jones (1779) 

The winter of 1779 was the severest ever known 
in the middle colonies. It may not be amiss to take 
some notice of it. The snow began to fall about the 
loth of November, and continued almost every day 
till the middle of the ensuing March. In the woods 
it lay at least four feet upon a level. 

It was with the utmost difficulty that the farmers 
got their wood, and all the wood upon New York 
Island was cut down. The forest trees planted in 
gardens, in court-yards, in avenues, along lanes, and 
about the houses of gentlemen by way of ornament, 
shared the same fate. Quantities of apple trees, 
peach trees, plum trees, cherry trees, and pear trees 
were also cut down. The situation of the army and 
inhabitants in this distressful season was a sufficient 
justification for the proceeding; necessity required it. 

This winter was intensely cold ; the rivers, creeks, 
harbors, ports, and brooks were all frozen up. The 
bay of New York, and from thence up the North River 
Solid land, to Albany, was mere terra firma. It w^as equally so 
in the East River for a long way up the Sound. It 
was so strong that deserters went upon the ice to 
Connecticut from Lloyd's Neck, upon Long Island, 
the distance more than twelve miles. The Sound at 
New Haven, which is thirty miles from Long Island, 
was frozen over, about two miles in the middle 
excepted, and these two miles were congealed and 
filled with particles of ice. 

From New York to Staten Island the distance is 
about ten miles. From Long Island to New Jersey 
the bay is about six miles wide. The tide from Sandy 



No. 64] Hard 'Times 217 

Hook to New York, through the Narrows and the 
bay, is violently rapid. No man living ever before 
saw this bay frozen up. Yet so intense was the cold 
this winter, and the bay so hard frozen, that two hun- 
dred sleighs laden with provisions, with two horses to 
each, escorted by two hundred Light Horse, passed 
upon the ice from New York to Staten Island in a 
body. 

In many places large quantities of water-fowl were 
picked up by the inhabitants, so frozen as not to be 
able to take wing. A very remarkable story, if true, 
was told. I do not aver it as a fact ; the report was 
current, and as the man bore a good character, it was 
generally believed. He was a substantial farmer 
upon Staten Island, his name Goosen Adriance. The 
case was this : He went out in the morning upon his 
farm, which adjoins the water, and going along the 
shore he observed a parcel of ducks sitting erect and 
in their proper posture. Not moving as he approached, 
it surprised him. He walked up to them, found them 
stiff, and, as he supposed, perfectly dead. 

He carried them home, threw them down upon the 
table in his kitchen, where a large wood fire was 
burning, and went into the next room to breakfast 
with his family. Scarcely was the breakfast over 
when a great noise and fluttering was heard in the 
kitchen. Upon opening the door, how great the sur- 
prise ! The supposed dead ducks were all flying 
about the room. 

A gentleman who had been a prisoner in Connec- 
ticut, and returned from thence the very last of April, 
said that the snow on the north side of the fences, 
from Middletown to New Haven, was more than a 
foot deep. This was never known in that part of 



Rebels, i.e. 
the patriot 
Americans. 



2 I 8 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 65 

America before, at least after the English settled 
there. The harbors, rivers, and waters about New 
York were frozen up. Not a ship could move. 

Had the rebels thought of an attack, now was their 
time. The ice was strong, hard, and firm. The Con- 
tinental army, with their heaviest artillery, stores, pro- 
visions, and baggage, might have passed the Hudson 
with as much ease as they could have marched the 
same distance upon dry land. 



From 1775 
to 178 1 Con- 
gress issued 
two hundred 
million dol- 
lars in paper 
notes, be- 
sides what 
the states put 
out. There 
was so much 
of it that it 
took a lot to 
make pur- 
c^hases, as 
may be seen 
in this piece. 
Finally, the 
notes got to 
be so com- 
mon that a 
man in 
Philadelphia 
made a blan- 
ket for his 
dog out of 
paper money. 



65. High Prices in Paper Money 

By Mr. Patton (1780) 

1780, June 6. I went to the Falls to fish for eels, 
but got none. 

7. I caught a salmon that weighed eighteen or 
twenty pounds. I sold it for one hundred dollars, 
and sixty twelve-rows of pins for which I paid twenty- 
four dollars. 

17th. The boys got near sixty eels last night and 
a shad. I got eleven shad. Six of them I gave to 
Isaac Atwood for eleven dollars I owed him. 

27th. I gave Mrs. Chandler twenty-seven and one 
half dollars to pay Mr. Bean for the newspaper for 
the present quarter. 

28th. I bought eight and three fourths pounds of 
tobacco from Dr. Stevens for which I am to pay him 
twenty dollars. I bought a mug at Means's for which 
I paid nine dollars. 

July 27th. I paid Dr. Stevens twenty dollars for 
what tobacco I got from him at last June probate. 
I got four pounds of tobacco from him today, for 
which I paid him twenty dollars. 



No. 65] High Prices 219 

Sept. 28. I bought a quire of paper at Means's for 
which I paid him twelve pounds (sixty dollars). 

October i8th. I set out for Portsmouth. I kept at 
Tobias Warren's from Monday afternoon to Wednes- 
day forenoon, being six meals and two lodgings. 
They would not take any pay for it. My expenses 
beside were one hundred and four dollars. I bought 
things on this journey that cost three hundred twenty- 
six dollars. 

While I was from home Alexander McMurphy paid 
my wife two hundred dollars towards the two thou- 
sand of boards I let him have. 

Nov. 2nd. I went to Esquire McGregor's and 
bought three pounds of sugar from him for which I 
paid thirty dollars. 

loth. I bought six pounds of coffee at eighty-four 
dollars. One fourth pound of pepper at thirty and 
four rows of pins at eight and one fourth dollars. 

One half yard broad cloth at one hundred eighty 
seven and one half dollars of Major Pinkerton. 1 
paid for my ferriage going and coming six dollars. 

13. Ran surveying lines for Joseph Saunders and 
David and Nathaniel Merrill, and wrote two deeds 
for them and took the acknowledgment. I charged 
them one hundred and twenty dollars. 

They paid me the money and I gave it to Joseph 
Saunders for which he is to give me four pounds of 
cotton. 

18th. I held a Court at Chandler's. I had one 
half a mug of toddy for which I paid four dollars. 

January 5th 1781. Got a thousand of nails for 
nailing pail hoops, from Mr. Fisk, for old Ensn. 
Chubbuck and myself. He sent sixty and I paid 
eighty dollars for the one thousand. 



2 2 o Revolutionary Firesides [no. ee 

20th. I went to Captain Chamberlin's with the 
team. I got sixteen bushels of Indian corn on credit. 
I am going to pay it when I make a turn of the tim- 
ber the boys and I have got to the river. It is sixty 
dollars per bushel. 

I had one half pint bowl of West India toddy at 
McGaw's for which I paid six dollars. 

May 19th. I went to Litchfield and got four bush- 
els of rye from David Ouigg. For this I am to pay 
him three dollars in silver and seventy five dollars in 
paper. My ferriage was three dollars. 

I had one half mug of toddy at McGaw's for which 
I paid four dollars. 

28th. I gave James seventy seven dollars to divide 
between him and Robert and David for election to- 
morrow. 

30. The* boys and I got shad and got them home. 

July 5th. I went to Amherst and attended the Ses- 
sions and the probate court. My expenses were 
thirty-six pounds (one hundred and eighty dollars) old 
Continental money. This was for my dinner, horse 
at pasturage about seven hours and a glass of West 

India rum. 

-♦ 

66. The Frenchmen and the Frogs 

By Samuel Breck (1779) 

Before the Revolution the colonists had little or 
no communication with France, so that Frenchmen 
were known to them only through the prejudiced 
medium of England. Every vulgar story told by 
John Bull about Frenchmen Uving on salad and frogs 
was impHcitly believed by Brother Jonathan; even by 
men of education and the first standing in society. 



No. 66] French Eccentricities 221 



When, therefore, the first French squadron arrived 
at Boston, the whole town, most of whom had never 
seen a Frenchman, ran to the wharves to catch a peep 
at the gaunt, half-starved crews. How much were 
my good townsmen astonished when they beheld, 
plump, portly officers and strong, vigorous sailors ! 

They could scarcely credit the thing, apparent as 
it was. Did these hearty-looking people belong to 
the lantern-jawed, spindle-shank race of vioiuiseei's f 
In a little while they became convinced that they had 
been deceived as to their personal appearance, but 
they knew, notwithstanding their good looks, that 
they were no better than frog-eaters, because they 
had been discovered hunting them in the noted Frog- 
pond at tiie bottom of the Common. 

With this last notion in his head, Mr. Nathaniel 
Tracy, who lived in a beautiful villa at Cambridge, 
made a great feast for the admiral and his officers. 
Everything was furnished that could be had in the 
country to ornament and give variety to the entertain- 
ment. My father was one of the guests, and told me 
often that two large tureens of soup were placed at 
the ends of the table. 

The admiral sat on the right of Tracy, and Mon- 
sieur de I'Etombe on the left. L'Etombe was consul 
of France, resident at Boston. Tracy filled a plate 
with soup, which went to the admiral, and the next 
was handed to the consul. As soon as L'Etombe put 
his spoon into his plate he fished up a large frog, just 
as green and perfect as if he had hopped from the 
pond into the tureen. 

Not knowing at first what it was, he seized it by 
one of its hind legs, and, holding it up in view of the 
whole company, discovered that it was a full-grown 



In 1780. 



" Mounseer " 
is the French 
for " Mr." 



The Craigie 
House, 
Washing- 
ton's head- 
quarters 
1775-76, later 
the home of 
the poet 
Longfellow. 



The admiral 
was Count 
D'Estaing. 



222 



Revoluti^ 



onary 



Firesides 



[No. 66 



frog. As soon as he had thoroughly inspected it, 
and made himself sure of the matter, he exclaimed, 
"Ah! mon Dieu ! un grenouille ! " then, turning to 
the gentleman next to him, gave him the frog. 

He received it, and passed it around the table. 
Thus the poor crapaiid made the tour from hand to 
hand until it reached the admiral. The company, 




THREE GENERATIONS OF DOLLS. 

convulsed with laughter, examined the soup-plates 
as the servants brought them, and in each was to be 
found a frog. The uproar was universal. Meantime 
Tracy kept his ladle going, wondering what his out- 
landish guests meant by such extravagant merriment. 
" What's the matter 1 " asked he, and, raising his 
head, surveyed the frogs dangling by a leg in all 
directions. "Why don't they eat them.?" he ex- 



No. 67] Royalty 223 

claimed. '' If they knew the confounded trouble I 
had to catch them in order to treat them to a dish of 
their own country, they would find that with me, at 
least, it was no joking matter." Thus was poor Tracy 
deceived by vulgar prejudice and common report. He 
meant to regale his distinguished guests with refined 
hospitality, and had caused all the swamps of Cam- 
bridge to be searched in order to furnish them with a 
generous supply of what he believed to be in France 
a standing national dish. This entertainment was 
given in 1778 to the celebrated Count d'Estaing. 



67. Royal Personages 

By Samuel Curwen (i 781-1782) 

At St. George's chapel, prayers at eight ; present, 
the King, Queen, Princesses Elizabeth and Sophia, 
— about a hundred hearers; we joined the train to 
Queen's house, or rather to the gates. The King King 
was dressed in blue fly, cuffs small, open, and turned George 11 1, 
up with red velvet, cape of same, buttons white, 
breeches and waistcoat of white cotton, an ordinary 
white wig with a tail ribbon, a round black chip hat, 
small, as used in riding. 

He is tall, square over the shoulders, large ugly 
mouth, talks a great deal, and shows his teeth too 
much ; his countenance heavy and lifeless, and white 
eyebrows. The Queen of the middle size and bulk, 
height five feet and a-half, — though far removed 
from beautiful, she has an open placid aspect, mouth 
large, foot splay: — at prayers their voices often 
heard, and they appeared devout. 



Jemmy = 
"dude." 



Canopy. 



224 Revolutionary Firesides [no. 67 

They take no state upon them, and walk freely 
about the town with only a lord in waiting. At 
seven, every evening after tea, the King, Queen, 
Prince of Wales, Princess-royal, Princesses Sophia 
and Elizabeth, walk for an hour on a terrace half a 
mile long, amidst two or three thousand people of 
all ranks. 

The Prince of Wales appears a likely agreeable 
person, far more graceful than his father, who is 
ungainly. The prince affects much "Jemmy" dress 
and air; age will doubtless soften down the juvenile 
taste and affectation. The Queen's dress, a riding- 
habit, same color and facings as the King's — a small 
bonnet with a blue feather. 

Conducted to picture gallery and state-rooms ; in 
one stands the Queen's bed, of a cream-color, worked 
in flowers with silk floss beautifully shaded, about 
seven feet long and six wide ; posts fluted, and gilt 
tester, having in the centre an oval compartment, 
thought to be the richest in England except Lady 
Clifford's at Wybrook, which was wrought and pre- 
sented to her by the late Duchess of Norfolk, — 
twelve chairs and a screen, wrought by her present 
Majesty's own dihgent hand. 

In the evening on the terrace, the King was in full 
dress, — blue uniform, sword and cockade ; the Prince 
of Wales the same. The Queen in a pale greenish 
silk full dress, except her head, on which she had a 
bonnet with a feather of the same color as her dress. 

July 16. Crossed the river to Eton college or school, 
passing through cloisters and quadrangles. I learnt 
from a lad that there were three hundred and thirty 
pupils belonging to the school ; the higher class had 
on gowns and caps of university fashion. 



No. 67] Royalty 225 

After breakfast, at castle, to hear the roll-call of 
Lord Falconberg's regiment, now on duty, and hear 
the music ; two bands of which were playing while 
the royal family were walking last evening. 

Feb. 7. At the Queen's house with Mr. Hopkins 
to see the plate, etc. ; the first object that struck me 
was three large covered baskets of table plate, as 
dishes, tureens, butter and sauce boats, all with covers, 
raised, embossed and engraved. The King's service 
was silver gilt ; the Prince's silver. 

We also were conducted to the kitchen, where were 
eighteen male cooks busily employed in their several 
various hues; the men in white jackets and caps, and 
the women in white aprons and caps. By a late royal 
order, no one is to appear in the kitchen with natu- 
ral hair. 

When the King arrives from court at St. James's, 
(where he attends five days in the week, Tuesdays 
and Saturdays being the only ones he has in the week 
for his own private amusements, concerns, etc.,) din- 
ner is called, on which a bustle ensues ; the assistants 
of the silver scullery take such pieces as are called 
for out of baskets, place them on a warm stove, 
whence they are taken by the cook and filled and 
taken to the dining room door, and delivered to the 
person appointed to place them on the royal table. 

Common dinner, five dishes of meat, four of garden 
stuffs, and one remove daily, and no more. The King Remove 
is exceedingly temperate, drinks generally water, and 
rarely partakes of more than one or two dishes. His 
supper is water-gruel, taken in a vessel peculiarly ap- 
propriated to his use, called the King's cup, of silver 
gilt, — shown me by the yeoman. 

The King's company at table is the Queen, Prince 
Q 



2 2 6 Revolutionary Firesides [no. t^ 

of Wales, (unless on his public dinner days) the Prin- 
cess Royal, Princesses Sophia and Elizabeth : the rest 
of the children at another table in another apartment. 
The Prince's dinner is served up by his proper officers 
in the same manner as the King's. 

The Queen, unless indisposed, always attends court 
and levee days ; as soon as it is over she returns ; im- 
mediately dinner is served up, without waiting for her 
husband ; a proof of good husbandship. It is said 
every king has a service of new table plate, the old 
being disposed of ; the silver is kept in bags and put 
into cupboards. 

I took leave, and by advice returned by Bucking- 
ham Gate, PimUco, Grosvenor-place, in preference to 
From high- Constitution Hill, which sometimes is dangerous, and 
waymen. ^^ ^j^^^^ o'clock got Safe home. 

Dec. 5. The King delivered his speech from the 
throne. I went to see him robe and sit on the throne 
at the House of Lords ; he was clothed in green laced 
with gold when he came, and when he went in red 
laced ; it being the custom to change his garments. 
The tail of his wig was in a broad, flowing, loose 
manner ; called the coronation tail. His stay in the 
lords' chamber scarce exceeded half an hour, in which 
he read his speech of eleven pages. 

As one proof among many that might be given of 
the restraint and disguise of r'eal sentiments on the 
part of courtiers, from the highest character in the 
presence chamber to the lowest lounger and attendant 
at ministerial levees, take the following : — 

When the King found himself obliged to take new 
ministers, and give up Lord North and his associates, 
it is well known that it was abhorrent to the royal 
mind ; and being naturally of a pertinacious, obstinate 



was 



No. 67] Royalty 227 

temper, the King was with the utmost difficulty brought 
to yield a reluctant consent. 

On the first day after the appointment, when he 
was in a manner forced out of his closet into the room 
of audience, he received his new servants with a smile, 
and transacted business with them afterwards with as 
much seeming cordiality and openness as if they had 
been in his favor, and in his closest confidence. 

So seemingly satisfied and so serene was the royal 
countenance, that all the newspapers sounded forth 
the gracious monarch's obliging, condescending good- 
ness to the public wishes, though nothing was farther 
from his heart, had not the necessity of his affairs 
impelled him thereto. 

At the same time coming up to Mr. Wilkes, he said Wiikes 
he was o:lad of the opportunity to thank him for his ^ ^'"^'' ^"*^° 

11 11111- . 1 1 . o^" the King 

very proper and laudable behavior m the late not ; and his 
took notice of his looks, which indicated a want of policy, 
health, advised him to a country air and exercise, 
which, said his majesty, I find by experience an excel- 
lent expedient to procure and preserve health. 

All this with the same apparent sincerity, as if they 
had been in a continued course of paying and receiv- 
ing compliments, congratulations, and acknowledg- 
ments for mutual kindnesses and good offices, though 
all the world knows there was not a man in the three 
kingdoms more thoroughly hated, nor whom he had 
taken a more foolish and unnecessary pains to ruin. 

The above-mentioned interview being told of in 
company, Mr. Wilkes took occasion to remark in the 
following words: — *'To have heard the King, one 
would have thought I was consulting a quack on the 
score of my health." 













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A REVOLUTIONARY OFFICER. (ISRAEL PUTNAM.) 



PART VII 
IN CAMP 



68. Kentucky Riflemen 

From the Virginia Gazetfe (ijjs) 

On Friday evening last, arrived at Lancaster, Penn- These men 
sylvania, on their way to the American camp, Captain ^f ™^ ^°"^ 

-; r -n 1 » r Kentucky to 

Cresap s company of riflemen, consisting of one aid in the 
hundred and thirty active, brave young fellows ; ^^^s^ °^ ^°2- 
many of whom have been in the late expedition 
under Lord Dunmore, against the Indians. 

They bear in their bodies visible marks of their 
prowess, and show scars and wounds which would 
do honor to Homer's Iliad. They show you, to use 
the poet's words : — 

'' Where the gor'd battle bled at every vein ! " 

One of these warriors, in particular, shows the 
cicatrices of four bullet holes through his body. 
These men have been bred in the woods to hard- 
ships and dangers from their infancy. They appear 
as if they were entirely unacquainted with, and had 
never felt the passion of fear. With their rifles in 
their hands, they assume a kind of omnipotence over 
their enemies. 

229 



230 In Camp [No.es 

One cannot much wonder at this, when we men- 
tion a fact which can be fully attested by several of 
the reputable persons who were eye-witnesses of it. 
Two brothers in the company took a piece of board 
five inches broad and seven inches long, with a bit of 
white paper, about the size of a dollar, nailed in the 
centre ; and while one of them supported this board 
perpendicularly between his knees, the other, at the 
distance of upwards of sixty yards, and without 
any kind of rest, shot eight bullets through it suc- 
cessively, and spared a brother's thigh ! 

Another of the company held a barrel stave per- 
pendicularly in his hands with one edge close to his 
side, while one of his comrades, at the same distance, 
and in the manner before mentioned, shot several 
bullets through it, without any apprehension of dan- 
ger on either side. 

The spectators appearing to be amazed at these 
feats, were told that there were upwards of fifty per- 
sons in the same company who could do the same 
thing; that there was not one who could not plug nine- 
teen bullets out of twenty, as they termed it, within 
an inch of the head of a tenpenny nail. In short, 
to prove the confidence they possessed in their dex- 
terity at these kind of arms, some of them proposed 
to stand with apples on their heads, while others at 
the same distance, undertook to shoot them off; but 
the people who saw the other experiments declined 
to be witnesses of this. 

At night a great fire was kindled around a pole 
planted in the Court House Square, where the com- 
pany, with the captain at their head, all naked to the 
waist, and painted hke savages, (except the captain, 
who was in an Indian shirt,) indulged a vast con- 



No. 69] 



Winter Sports 



231 



course of people with a perfect exhibition of a war- 
dance, and all the manoeuvres of Indians, holding 
council, going to war, circumventing their enemies 
by defiles, ambuscades, attacking, scalping, &c. 

It is said by those who are judges, that no repre- 
sentation could possibly come nearer the original. 
The captain's expertness and agility, in particular, in 
these experiments astonished every beholder. This 
morning they will set out, on their march for Cam- 
bridge. 



6g. Winter Amusements in Canada 

By a German Officer (1777) 

You ask, have we had plenty of amusement this 
winter } I answer, right good ! You see, there are a 
number of seigneurs and cures in our neighborhood, 
and with their help and that of our officers in the 
vicinity we have been enabled to have a convivial, 
sociable, happy, and at times a "high old time"! 
Our seigneur at St. Anne is a passably rich man. 
The cures, also, are not to be despised. They are 
good royahsts, and, being the possessors of good liv- 
ings, are able to furnish dinners for twenty persons. 

On Dec. 31st there was a great festival at Quebec; 
that day being celebrated as the first anniversary of 
the deliverance of Quebec, on which occasion the 
rebels lost their great leader, General Montgomery. 
At 9 o'clock in the morning, a thanksgiving service 
was held in the Cathedral, at which Monseigneur, the 
Bishop, officiated. 

Eight unfortunate Canadians who had sided with 
the rebels were present, with ropes about their necks, 



Seigneurs, 
lords of the 
land, whom 
the peasantry 
served and 
obeyed ; 
cures, parish 
priests. 



232 In Camp [no. 69 

and were forced to do penance before all in the church, 
and crave pardon of their God, Church and King. 
At 10 o'clock, the civic and military authorities, as 
well as all visiting and resident gentlemen, whether 
Canadian or EngUsh, assembled at the Government- 
House. All the resident gentlemen of Quebec, in 
accordance with their rank as officers of the militia, 
wore green suits with straw facings, waistcoats, knee- 
breeches, and silver epaulettes upon their shoulders. 

In the evening, at six, the entire company started 
for the large English hotel, where over ninety-four 
ladies and two hundred gentlemen were already as- 
sembled in the great hall. The ladies were seated on 
rows of raised benches. A concert was at once begun, 
during which an English ode, written in honor of the 
festival, was sung. During the music, tickets were 
distributed to those of both sexes who desired to 
dance. Every gentleman received a ticket for a 
certain lady, with whom he was obliged to dance the 
entire evening. 

During these dances, some distinction is made 
between the rank of the gentlemen and the ladies. 
Strangers, however, receive preference. Every couple 
goes through the minuet alone, and the ladies call off 
the name of the minuet to be danced. At large balls 
this custom becomes very tiresome. English dances 
are performed with two couples. All kinds of re- 
freshments were served ; and notwithstanding that the 
place was somewhat confined, no spectator was in- 
commoded. The streets in front of the hotel were 
aUve with people. At midnight a regular supper was 
served at a number of tables. It is true that the eat- 
ables were all cold ; but delicacies and pastry could be 
had in superabundance. 



No. 69] Winter Sports 233 

At 2 o'clock dancing was again renewed, and lasted 
until broad daylight. All the English, and the French 
officers of militia at Quebec gave these fetes, which 
must easily have cost five thousand dollars. 

On Jan. 20th, Major-General von Riedesel cele- 
brated the birthday of her Majesty the Queen at 
Three Rivers. We covered the distance (7 English 
miles) in four hours, in a cariole, and dined at a table 
laid for forty covers. Many healths were drunk, while 
in front of the house, a small cannon was roaring ! 

A ball was given in the afternoon and evening, at 
which thirty-seven ladies were present. These re- 
mained to supper, and were waited on by their cava- 
liers. The charms of Demoiselle Tonnancour were 
greatly heightened by her jewels ; still, poor Demoi- 
selle Ruelle, in her faded calico gown, was preferred 
by many, on account both of her natural and sweet 
charms, and the beauty of her voice. Know, my 
dear sir, that the Canadian beauties sing ItaUan and 
French songs. 

On the 5th of February, seven couples were married 
in the church at St. Anne. On this august occasion. 
Major von Ehrenkrook led to the altar a squaw who 
was to marry an Indian. This post of honor can only 
be filled when the intended brides have no fathers 
to give them away — their escorts, in such a case, 
taking the place of the latter. We dined with the 
cure, and were entertained at the houses of the dif- 
ferent brides. 

As our musicians were in Quebec, and village 
musicians are unknown here, we were obliged to 
dance to the humming of the tra-la-la of a Canadian 
minuet. We also had to endure the bawling of soogs 
sung from stentorian lungs. 



2 34 ^^^ Camp [no. 69 

On account of our services to the brides, in giving 
them away, etc., we are considered by the good people 
of St. Anne as one of themselves ; for, from the old 
grandmamma of seventy to the young maiden of fifteen 
to seventeen years, they all offer us their mouths to be 
kissed whenever they meet us. This is the Canadian 
greeting between relatives and intimate friends ; more 
formal acquaintances offer merely their hands. This 
custom prevails not only among the well-to-do, but 
among the lower classes ; and is one of the rights of 
friendship. 

I have not heard from you for so long a time that I 
think your pen must be frozen. Therefore let me tell 
yoiL something about Canadian snow. One of the 
cursed disagreeable things to be met with in Canada 
is the prevalence of fierce winds. 

They rise generally every third day, and last about 
twelve hours. They cause the snow to drift from 
place to place, and gradually to fill up all the holes 
and pits until they are level with the rest of the land. 
The effect of this is to make the surrounding country 
look very pretty, but it is none the less dangerous to 
travel without taking proper precautions ; otherwise 
one may tumble into one of these holes and break his 
limbs, or a horse and sleigh may fall into one and the 
horse remain buried alive for several weeks. 

In order to find the way, young pine-trees are stuck 
up on each side of the road, twenty feet apart ; and in 
this artificial alley one can drive with safety. One 
can scarcely imagine how these roads are changed, 
either by the weather or the force of circumstances ; 
and each time a road is shifted it is abounded and the 
trees pulled up. 

The roads across the ice on the St. Lawrence River 



No. 70] Connecticut Horsemen 23c 

are staked out in a similar manner ; and whenever a 
traveller meets with a weak spot in the ice, he is 
obliged to stop and mark the place. In fact, travel- 
Hng in Canada is pecuUar ; for to-day the road may 
lead over a hill, and to-morrow over a river. Pedes- 
trians, however, can skim over the snow like hares 
by means of snow-shoes, which they bind under their 
feet. In using them, one must take a long stride, at 
the same time traiUng his feet on a slant. 



70. Queer Cavalry 

By Alexander Graydon (about 1778) 

Among the military phenomena of this campaign, 
the Connecticut light horse ought not to be forgotten. 
They consisted of a considerable number of old-fash- 
ioned men, probably farmers and heads of families, as 
they were generally middle-aged, and many of them 
apparently beyond the meridian of life. 

They were truly irregulars ; and whether their 
clothing, their equipments or caparisons were re- 
garded, it would have been difficult to have discov- 
ered any circumstance of uniformity ; though in the 
features derived from "local habitation," they were 
one and the same. 

Instead of carbines and sabres, they generally 
carried fowHng pieces ; some of them very long, and 
such as in Pennsylvania are used for shooting ducks. 
Here and there, one, " his youthful garments, well 
saved," appeared in a dingy regimental of scarlet, 
with a triangular, tarnished, laced hat. 

In short, so little were they like modern soldiers, in 



236 In Camp [No. 70 

air or costume, that, dropping the necessary number 
of years, they might have been supposed the identical 
men who had in part composed Pepperil's army at 
June 17, the taking of Louisbourg. Their order of march 

1775- corresponded with their other irregularities. It 

*' spindled into longitude immense," presenting in 
extended and ill-compacted flank, as though they had 
disdained the advantage of concentration. 

These singular dragoons were volunteers, who came 
to make a tender of their services to the Commander- 
in-chief. But they stayed not long at New York. As 
such a body of cavalry had not been counted upon, 
there was in all probability a want of forage for their 
horses, which, in spite of ancient knighthood, they ab- 
solutely refused to descend from ; and as the General 
had no use for cavaliers in his insular operations, they 
were forthwith dismissed with suitable acknowledg- 
ments for their truly chivalrous ardor. 

An unlucky trooper of this school had by some 
means or other, found his way to Long Island, and 
was taken by the enemy in the battle of the 27th of 
August. The British officers made themselves very 
merry at his expense, and obHged him to amble about 
for their entertainment. On being asked, what had 
been his duty in the rebel army, he answered, that it 
was to flank a Httle and carry tidings. 

But notwithstanding the unwarlike guise of the 
troops from New England there was no part of the 
continent perhaps, in which so little impression could 
be made, or in which' the enemy was so cautious of 
advancing. Their numbers and zeal rendered them 
formidable when fighting on their own ground ; and 
the defence of Bunker's hill was worthy of the bravest 
veterans. 



No. 71] Camp iluarters 237 

71. The Amenities of Camp Life 

By Surgeon James Thacher {i^'jg) 

February. — Having continued to live under cover This was at 
of canvas tents most of the winter, we have suffered ^^"^y 

Forg^e. 

extremely from exposure to cold and storms. Our 
soldiers have been employed six or eight weeks in 
constructing log huts, which at length are completed, 
and both officers and soldiers are now under comfort- 
able covering for the remainder of the winter. 

Log houses are constructed with the trunks of 
trees, cut into various lengths according to the size 
intended, and are firmly connected by notches cut at 
their extremities in the manner of dovetaiHng. The 
vacancies between the logs are filled in with plaster- 
ing consisting of mud and clay. 

The roof is formed of similar pieces of timber, and 
covered with hewn .slabs. The chimney situated at 
one end of the house is made of similar but smaller 
timber, and both the inner and the outer side are 
covered with clay plaster, to defend the wood against • 
the fire. The door and windows are formed by saw- 
ing away a part of the logs of a proper size, and move 
on wooden hinges. 

In this manner have our soldiers, without nails, and 
almost without tools, except the axe and saw, provided 
for their officers and for themselves comfortable and 
convenient quarters, with little or no expense to the 
public. The huts are arranged in straight lines form- 
ing a regular uniform compact village. 

The officers' huts are situated in front of the Hne, 
according to their rank, the kitchens in the rear, 
and the whole is similar in form to a tent encamp- 



238 



In Camp 



[No. 71 



ment. The ground for a considerable distance in 
front of the soldiers' Une of huts is cleared of wood, 
stumps, and rubbish, and is every morning swept clean 
for the purpose of a parade ground and roll call for 
the respective regiments. 

The officers' huts are in general 
divided into two apartments, and 
are occupied by three or four 
officers, who compose one mess. 
Those for the soldiers have but 
one room, and contain ten or 
twelve men, with their bunks 
placed one above another against 
the walls, and filled with straw, 
and one blanket for each man. I 
now occupy a hut with our field 
officers. Colonel Gibson, Lieuten- 
ant Colonel Brent, and Major 
Meriweather. 

4th, — A duel has lately been 
fought between a surgeon and an 
adjutant in General Scott's bri- 
gade ; the former received a bad 
wound, and the latter escaped with 
honor. Who will hesitate, says 
one, to exchange a few shot with 
a friend to obtain the appellation 
of a gentleman of honor t If I 
kill my antagonist I have the sat- 
isfaction of settling a point of honor } If I receive a 
ball through my own heart, I die in the glorious 
cause of honor. " You have offended me in a deli- 
cate point," says an officer to his friend, '' and I now 
demand of you the satisfaction of a gentleman, I have 




A HESSIAN. 



No. 71] Washington s Guests 239 

settled my affairs, and prepared myself to die, if that 
shall be my fate," — ''then," replied the other, "we 
cannot fight on equal terms, for I have not had time 
to do either." 

His Excellency the Commander in Chief has long General 
been in the practice of inviting a certain number of Washington. 
officers to dine at his table every day. It is not to be 
supposed that his Excellency can be made acquainted 
with every officer by name, but the invitations are 
given through the medium of general orders, in which 
is mentioned the brigade from which the officer is 
expected. 

Yesterday I accompanied Major Cavil to head- 
quarters, and had the honor of being numbered 
among the guests at the table of his Excellency, with 
his lady, two young ladies from Virginia, and several 
other officers. 

It is natural to view with keen attention the coun- 
tenance of an illustrious man, with a secret hope of 
discovering in his features some peculiar traces of ex- 
cellence, which distinguishes him from and elevates 
him above his fellow mortals. These expectations 
are reahzed in a pecuhar manner, in viewing the 
person of General Washington. 

His tall and noble stature and just proportions, his 
fine, cheerful open countenance, simple and modest 
deportment, are all calculated to interest every be- 
holder in his favor, and to command veneration and 
respect. He is feared even when silent, and beloved 
even while we are unconscious of the motive. The 
table was elegantly furnished, and the provisions Atonde 



ler 



ample but not abounding in superfluities. Hamilton, 

The civilities of the table were performed by tar^oHhT 
Colonel Hamilton and the other gentlemen of the Treasury. 



240 In Camp [no. 71 

family, the General and wife being seated at the side 
of the table. In conversation, his Excellency's ex- 
pressive countenance is peculiarly interesting and 
pleasing; a placid smile is frequently observed on 
his lips, but a loud laugh, it is said, seldom if ever 
escapes him. He is polite and attentive to each in- 
dividual at table, and retires after the compliments of 
a few glasses. 

Mrs. Washington combines in an uncommon de- 
gree, great dignity of manner with the most pleasing 
affability, but possesses no striking marks of beauty. 
I learn from the Virginia officers that Mrs. Washing- 
ton has ever been honored as a lady of distinguished 
goodness, possessing all the virtues which adorn her 
sex, amiable in her temper and deportment, full of 
benignity, benevolence and charity, seeking for ob- 
jects of affliction and poverty, that she may extend to 
the sufferers the hand of kindness and relief. These 
surely are the attributes which reveal a heart replete 
with those virtues, which are so appropriate and esti- 
mable in the female character. 

April 20th. — Five soldiers were conducted to the 
gallows according to their sentence, for the crimes of 
desertion and robbing the inhabitants. A detach- 
ment of troops and a concourse of people, formed a 
circle round the gallows, and the criminals were 
brought in a cart, sitting on their coffins, and halters 
about their necks. 

While in this awful situation, trembling on the 
verge of eternity, three of them received a pardon 
from the Commander in Chief. They acknowledged 
the justice of their sentence, and expressed the 
warmest thankfulness and gratitude for their merci- 
ful pardon. 



No. 71] Military Review 241 

The two others were obHged to submit to their 
fate; one of them was accompanied to the fatal spot 
by an affectionate and sympathising brother, which ren- 
dered the scene uncommonly distressing, and forced 
tears of compassion from the eyes of numerous spec- 
tators. 

They repeatedly embraced and kissed each other, 
with all the fervor of brotherly love, and would not 
be separated till the executioner was obliged to per- 
form his duty when, with a flood of tears and mourn- 
ful lamentations, they bade each other an eternal 
adieu ^ the criminal, trembling under the horrors of 
an untimely and disgraceful death, — and the brother, 
overwhelmed with sorrow and anguish, for one whom 
he held most dear. 

May 14th. — Our brigade was paraded for the pur- 
pose of being reviewed by General Washington and a 
number of Indian chiefs. His Excellency, with his 
usual dignity, followed by his mulatto servant Bill, 
riding a beautiful grey steed, passed in front of the 
hne and received the salute. He was accompanied 
by a singular group of savages, whose appearance 
was beyond description ludicrous. 

Their horses were of the meanest kind, some of 
them destitute of saddles, and old lines were used for 
bridles. Their personal decorations were equally 
farcical, having their faces painted of various colors, 
jewels suspended from their ears and nose, their 
heads without covering except tufts of hair on the 
crown, and some of them wore dirty blankets over 
their shoulders waving in the wind. 

In short, they exhibited a novel and truly disgust- 
ing spectacle. But his Excellency deems it good 
policy to pay some attention to this tribe of the 



242 



In Camp 



[No. 72 



wilderness, and to convince them of the strength and 
discipline of our army, that they may be encouraged, 
if disposed to be friendly, or deterred from aggression, 
if they should become hostile to our country. 



Chastellux 
was a French 
officer who 
came over , 
with the fleet 
and army 
sent to help 
the armies in 
1778. 



72. New Hampshire Men 

By Marquis de Chastellux (1780) 

I PRESSED forward my horses, and hurried on to 
get the start of a traveller on horseback, who had 
joined me on the road, and who would have had the 
same right with myself to the lodgings, had we arrived 
together. I had the satisfaction, however, to see him 
pursue his journey; but soon learned, with concern, 
that the little inn where I proposed to pass that night, 
was occupied by thirteen farmers, and two hundred 
and fifty oxen coming from New Hampshire. The 
oxen were the least inconvenient part of the com- 
pany, as they were left to graze in a meadow hard 
by, without even a dog to guard them; but the farm- 
ers, their horses, and dogs, were in possession of the 
inn. They were conveying to the army a part of the 
contingent of provisions furnished by New Hamp- 
shire. This contingent is a sort of tax divided among 
all the inhabitants, on some of whom the imposition 
amounts to one hundred and fifty, on others to one 
hundred, or eighty, pounds of meat, according to their 
abilities ; so they agree amongst themselves to fur- 
nish a larger, or smaller sized ox, no matter which, as 
each animal is weighed. Their conveyance to the 
army is then entrusted to some farmers, and drovers. 
The farmers are allowed about a dollar a day; and 



No. 72] A French Visitor 243 

their expenses, as well as those of the cattle, are paid 
them on their return, according to the receipts which 
they are obhged to produce from the inn-keepers 
where they have halted. The usual price is from 
three-pence to five-pence Enghsh per night for each 
ox, and in proportion at noon. 

I informed myself of these particulars while my 
people were endeavoring to find me lodgings ; but all 
the rooms, and all the beds were occupied by these 
farmers, and I was in the greatest distress, when a 
tall, fat man, the principal person among them, being 
informed who I was, came to me, and assured me, 
that neither he, nor his companions would ever suffer 
a French general officer to want a bed, and that they 
would rather sleep on the floor; adding, that they 
were accustomed to it, and that it would be attended 
with no inconvenience. 

In reply I told them, I was a military man, and as 
much accustomed as themselves to make the earth 
my bed. We had long debates on this point of polite- 
ness ; theirs was rustic, but more cordial and affect- 
ing than the best turned compliments. The result 
was, that I had a two-bedded room for myself and 
my aides de camp. 

Our new acquaintance did not terminate there: after 
parting from each other, I to take some repose, they 
to continue drinking their grog and cider, they came 
into my room. I was then employed in tracing my 
route by the map of the country; this map excited 
their curiosity. They saw there with surprise and 
satisfaction the places they had passed through. 

They asked me if they were known in Europe, and 
if it was there I had bought my maps. On my assur- 
ing them that we knew America as well as the coun- 



2 44 ^^ Camp [no. 73 

tries adjoining to us, they seemed much pleased; but 
their joy was without bounds, when they saw New 
Hampshire, their country, on the map. They called 
their companions, who were in the next room; and 
mine was soon filled with the strongest and most 
robust men I had hitherto seen in America. 

On my appearing struck with their size and stature, 
they told me that the inhabitants of New Hampshire 
were strong and vigorous, for which there were many 
reasons ; that the air was excellent, their sole occupa- 
tion was agriculture, and above all that their blood 
was unmixed : for this country was inhabited by an- 
cient families who had emigrated from England. 

We parted good friends, touching, or rather shak- 
ing hands in the English fashion, and they assured 
me that they were very happy to have an opportunity 
to shake hands with a French General. 



73. At Washington's Headquarters 

By Marquis de Chastellux (1780) 

At length, after riding two miles along the right 
flank of the army, and after passing thick woods on 
the right, I found myself in a small plain, where I 
saw a handsome farm; a small camp which seemed 
to cover it, a large tent extended in the court, and 
several wagons round it, convinced me that this was 
his Excellency's quarter ; for it is thus Mr. Washing- 
ton is called in the army, and throughout America. 
General La- M. de Lafayette was in conversation with a tall 
fayette, the man, fivc f cct ten inches and a half high, of a noble and 
Frenchman^ mild couutenancc. It was the General himself. I 



No. 73] Washington s Headquarters 245 



was soon off horseback, and near him. The compli- 
ments were short; the sentiments with which I was 




who did so 
much for the 
American 
cause. 



A FRENCH OFFICER. (GENERAL LAFAYETTE.) 

animated, and the good wishes he testified for me 
were sincere. 

He conducted me to his house, where I found the 
company still at table, although the dinner had been 
long over. He presented me to the Generals Knox, 
Wayne, Howe, &c. ; also to his family, then com- 
posed of Colonels Hamilton and Tilghman, his secre- 
taries and his aides de camp, and of Major Gibbs, 



246 In Camp [no. 73 

commander of his guards ; for in England and Amer- 
ica, the aides de camp, adjutants and other officers 
attached to the general, form what is called his 
family. 

A fresh dinner was prepared for me, and mine; 
and the gathering was prolonged to keep me com- 
pany. A few glasses of claret and Madeira accel- 
erated the acquaintances I had to make, and I soon 
felt myself at my ease near the greatest and the best 
of men. 

The goodness and benevolence which characterise 
him, are evident from every thing about him ; but the 
confidence he gives birth to never occasions improper 
familiarity; for the sentiment he inspires has the 
same origin in every individual, a profound esteem 
for his virtues, and a high opinion of his talents. 

About nine o'clock the general officers withdrew 
to their quarters, which were all at a considerable 
distance ; but as the General wished me to stay in 
his own house, I remained some time with him, after 
which he conducted me to the chamber prepared for 
my aides de camp and me. 

This chamber occupied the fourth part of his 
lodgings ; he apologized to me for the little room he 
had in his disposal, but always with a noble polite- 
ness, which was neither too much nor too little. 

At nine the next morning they informed me that 
his Excellency was come down into the parlor. This 
room served at once as audience chamber, and dining- 
room. I immediately went to wait on him, and found 
breakfast prepared. 

While we were at breakfast horses were brought, 
and General Washington gave orders for the army 
to get under arms at the head of the camp. The 



No. 73] Jf^ashington s Headquarters 247 

weather was very bad, and it had already begun rain- 
ing ; we waited half an hour ; but the General seeing 
that it was more Hkely to increase than to diminish, 
determined to get on horseback. 

Two horses were brought him, which were a pres- 
ent from the State of Virginia ; he mounted one 
himself, and gave me the other. Mr. Lynch and 
Mr. de Montesquieu, had each of them, also, a very 
handsome blood horse, such as we could not find at 
Newport for any money. 

We repaired to the artillery camp, where General 
Knox received us : the artillery was numerous, and 
the gunners, in very fine order, were formed in parade, 
in the foreign manner, that is, each gunner at his bat- 
tery, and ready to fire. The General was so good 
as to apologise to me for the cannon not firing to 
salute me. 

He said, that having put all the troops on the other 
side of the river in motion, and apprised them that he 
might himself march along the right bank, he was 
afraid of giving the alarm, and of deceiving the 
detachments that were out. We gained, at length, 
the right of the army, where we saw the Pennsyl- 
vania line : it was composed of two brigades, each 
forming three battalions, without reckoning the light 
infantry, which were detached with the Marquis La- 
fayette. 

General Wayne, who commanded it, was on horse- 
back, as well as the brigadiers and colonels. They 
were all well mounted : the officers also had a very 
military air ; they were well ranged, and saluted very 
gracefully. Each brigade had a band of music ; the 
march they were then playing was the Huron. 

I knevv^ that this line, though in want of many 



248 In Camp [no. 73 

things, was the best clothed in the army ; so that his 
Excellency asking me whether I would proceed, and 
see the whole army, or go by the shortest road to the 
camp of the Marquis, I accepted the latter proposal. 
The troops ought to thank me for it, for the rain 
was falling with redoubled force; they were dis- 
missed, therefore, and we arrived very wet at the 
Marquis de Lafayette's quarters, where I warmed 
myself with great pleasure. 

The rain appearing to cease, or inclining to cease 
for a moment, we availed ourselves of the opportu- 
nity to follow his Excellency to the. camp of the 
Marquis: we found all his troops in order of battle 
on the heights to the left, and himself at their head 
expressing, by his air and countenance, that he was 
happier in receiving me there, than at his estate in 
Auvergne. 

The confidence and attachment of the troops, are 
for him invaluable possessions, well acquired riches, 
of which nobody can deprive him ; but what, in my 
opinion, is still more flattering for a young man of his 
age, is the influence, the consideration he has acquired 
amongst the political, as well as the military order. 

I do not fear contradiction when I say, that pri- 
vate letters from him have frequently produced more 
effect on some states than the strongest exhortations 
of the Congress. On seeing him, one is at a loss 
which most to admire, that so young a man as he 
should have given such great proofs of talents, or 
that a man so tried, should give hopes of so long a 
career of glory. Fortunate his country, if she knows 
how to avail herself of them ; more fortunate still 
should she stand in no need of calHng them into 
exertion ! 



No. 73] Washington s Headquarters 249 

The rain spared us no more at the camp of the 
Marquis, than at that of the main army ; so that when 
our review was finished, I saw with pleasure General 
Washington set off in a gallop to regain his quarters. 
We reached them as soon as the badness of the roads 
would permit us. At our return we found a good 
dinner ready, and about twenty guests, among whom 
were Generals Howe and Sinclair. The repast was 
in the English fashion, consisting of eight or ten 
large dishes of butcher's meat, and poultry, with veg- 
etables of several sorts, followed by a second course 
of pastry, comprised under the two denominations of 
pies and puddings. 

When the cloth was taken off, apples and a great 
quantity of nuts were served, which General Wash- 
ington usually continues eating for two hours, toast- 
ins: and conversing all the time. These nuts are Hickory 

11111 r-intc 

small and dry, and have so hard a shell that they can 
only be broken by the hammer ; they are served half 
open, and the company are never done picking and 
eating them. The conversation was calm and agree- 
able ; his Excellency was pleased to enter with me 
into the particulars of some of the principal opera- 
tions of the war, but always with a modesty and 
conciseness, which proved that it was from pure 
complaisance he mentioned it. 



nuts. 



250 In Camp [no. 74 

74. Close Quarters for Washington 

By Marquis de Chastellux (1782) 

We passed the North River as night came on, and 
arrived at six o'clock at Newburgh, where I found Mr. 
and Mrs. Washington and escort. The head quar- 
ters at Newburgh consist of a single house, neither 
large nor commodious, which is built in the Dutch 
fashion. The largest room in it (which was the pro- 
prietor's parlor for his family, and which General 
Washington has converted into his dining-room) is in 
truth tolerably spacious, but it has seven doors, and 
only one window. 

The chimney, or rather the chimney back, is 
against the wall; so that there is in fact but one vent 
for the smoke, and the fire is in the room itself. I 
found the company assembled in a small room which 
served by way of parlor. At nine supper was served, 
and when the hour of bedtime came, I found that the 
chamber, to which the General conducted me, was 
the very parlor I speak of, wherein he had made them 
place a camp-bed. 

We assembled at breakfast the next morning at 
ten, during which interval my bed was folded up, and 
my chamber became the sitting-room for the whole 
afternoon ; for American manners do not admit of 
a bed in the room in which company is received. 

The smallness of the house, and the difficulty to 
which I saw that Mr. and Mrs. Washington had put 
themselves to receive me, made me apprehensive lest 
Mr. Rochambeau, who had set out the day after me, 
by travelling as fast, might arrive on the day that I 
remained there. I resolved therefore to send to Fish- 



No. 74] W^ashington s Headquarters 251 

kill to meet him, with a request that he would stay 
there that night. 

Nor was my precaution superfluous, for my express 
found him already at the landing, where he slept, and 
did not join us till the next morning as I was setting 
out. The day I remained at head quarters was passed 
either at table or in conversation. On the 7th I took 
leave of General Washington, nor is it difficult to 
imagine the pain this separation gave me; but I 
have too much pleasure in recollecting the real ten- 
derness with which it affected him, not to take a pride 
in mentioning it. 












A REVOLUTIONARY LADY. 



252 In Camp [no. 75 

75. Camp Fare 

By George Washington (1779) 

West Point, 16 August, 1779. 

I HAVE asked Mrs. Cochran and Mrs. Livingston 
to dine with me to-morrow ; but am I not in honor 
bound to apprise them of their fare } As I hate de- 
ception, even where the imagination only is con- 
cerned, I will. It is needless to premise, that my 
table is large enough to hold the ladies. Of this 
they had ocular proof yesterday. To say how it is 
usually covered, is rather more essential ; and this 
shall be the purport of my letter. 

Since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had a 
ham, sometimes a shoulder of bacon, to grace the 
head of the table ; a piece of roast beef adorns the 
foot; and a dish of beans, or greens, almost imper- 
ceptible, decorates the centre. When the cook has 
a mind to cut a figure, which I presume will be the 
case to-morrow, we have two beef-steak pies, or dishes 
of crabs, in addition, one on each side of the centre 
dish, dividing the space and reducing the distance 
between dish and dish to about six feet, which with- 
out them would be near twelve feet apart. 

Of late he has had the surprising sagacity to dis- 
cover, that apples will make pies ; and it is a question, 
if, in the violence of his efforts, we do not get one of 
apples, instead of having both of beef-steaks. If the 
ladies can put up with such entertainment, and will 
submit to partake of it on plates, once tin but now 
iron (not become so by the labor of scouring), I shall 
be happy to see them; and am, dear Doctor, yours, 

&c 

George Washington. 



No. 76] American Troops 253 

76. A View of American Troops 

By a German Officer (1777) 

We passed the enemy's encampment, in front of 
which all their regiments, as well as the artillery, 
were standing under arms. Not a man of them was 
regularly equipped. Each one had on the clothes 
which he was accustomed to wear in the field, the 
tavern, the church, and in everyday life. No fault, 
however, could be found with their military appear- 
ance, for they stood in an erect and a soldierly 
attitude. 

All their muskets had bayonets attached to them, 
and their riflemen had rifles. They remained so 
perfectly quiet that we were utterly astounded. Not 
one of them made any attempt to speak to the man 
at his side ; and all the men who stood in array before 
us were so slender, fine-looking, and sinewy, that it 
was a pleasure to look at them. 

Nor could we but wonder that Dame Nature had 
created such a handsome race ! As to their height, 
dear brother, the men averaged from five feet six to 
five feet seven inches, according to Prussian measure- 
ment ; and I assure you I am not telhng an untruth 
when I state that men five feet eight to ten inches high 
were oftener to be seen than those of only five feet 
five inches ; and men of larger height were to be found 
in all the companies. 

I am perfectly serious when I state that the men 
of English America are far ahead of those in the 
greater portion of Europe both as respects their 
beauty and stature. In regard to the gentler sex, I 
will give you some details of them also when I arrive 



2 54- ^^ Camp [no. 76 

at Kinderhook ; and now for a space devoted to 
American wigs ! 

Few of the officers in General Gates's army wore 
uniforms, and those that were worn were evidently of 
home manufacture and of all colors. For example, 
brown coats with sea-green facings, white linings, 
and silver dragons, and gray coats with yellow buttons 
and straw-colored facings, were to be seen in plenty. 

The brigadiers and generals had, however, uniforms 
to distinguish them from the rest of the officers, and 
wore a band around the waist to designate their 
respective rank. On the other hand, most of the 
colonels and other officers wore their every-day clothes. 
They carried their muskets (to which a bayonet was 
attached) in their hands; their pouches or powder- 
horns were slung over their backs, and their left 
hand hung down by their side, while the right foot 
was slightly put forward. 

In one place could be seen men with white wigs, 
from beneath which long and thick hair escaped — 
thick lambs' tails hanging down from the back ; in 
another, the ghstening black wig of an abbe sur- 
mounting some red and copper-colored face ; while 
in still another, white and gray clerical-looking wigs 
made of horse and goat hair, and piled up in succes- 
sive rolls. 

In looking at a man thus adorned one would imag- 
ine that he had an entire sheep under his hat, with 
its tail dangling around his neck. A great deal of 
respect is entertained for these wigs, not only because 
they are supposed to give the wearer a learned ap- 
pearance, but because they are worn by all the gen- 
tlemen composing the committees and those who are 
renowned for wisdom. 



No. 76J American Troops 255 

The gentlemen who wear these different kind of 
wigs are mostly between fifty and sixty years of age ; 
and having but recently begun to wear them, you 
can imagine what a comical appearance they cut as 
soldiers. The determination which caused them to 
grasp a musket and powder-horn can be seen in their 
faces, as well as the fact that they are not to be 
fooled with, especially in skirmishes in the woods. 

Seriously speaking, this entire nation has great 
natural military talent. There were many regiments 
of Continentals in the enemy's army who had not 
been properly equipped, owing to the lack of time 
and scarcity of cloth. They have flags with all kinds 
of emblems and mottoes. 

It must also be said to the credit of the enemy's 
regiments, that not a man among them ridiculed or 
insulted us ; and none of them evinced the least sign 
of hate or malicious joy as we marched by. On the 
contrary, it seemed rather as though they desired to 
do us honor. As we filed by the tent of General 
Gates, he invited the brigadiers and commanders of 
our regiments to enter, and when they had done so 
he placed all kinds of refreshments before them. 



PART VIII 

IN THE FIELD 



77. Battle of Lexington 

By Jonas Clark (1775) 

Between the hours of twelve and one, on the morn- 
ing of the nineteenth of April, we received intelU- 
gence by express from the Hon. Joseph Warren, 
Esq., at Boston that a large body of the King's troops 
were embarked in boats from Boston. They were 
supposed to be a brigade of about twelve or fifteen 
hundred. They were said to have gone over to land 
on Lechmere's Point, in Cambridge. 

It was shrewdly suspected that they were ordered 
to seize and destroy the stores, belonging to the colony, 
and then deposited at Concord. This was in conse- 
quence of General Gage's unjustifiable seizure of the 
provincial magazine of powder at Medford, and other 
colony stores at several other places. 

Upon this intelligence, as also upon information of 
the conduct of the officers as above mentioned, the 
militia of this town were alarmed, and ordered to 
meet on the usual place of parade. This was not 
with any design of commencing hostilities upon the 
s 257 



This is one 
of Ihe best 
accounts of 
the famous 
battle of Lex- 
ington, the 
first regular 
fight in the 
Revolution- 
ary War. 
The " hero " 
was Paul 
Revere. 



258 



In the Field 



[No. 77 



King's troops, but to consult what might be done for 
our own and the people's safety. 

This was in order to be ready for whatever service 
Providence might call us out to, upon this alarming 
occasion, in case overt acts of violence or open hostili- 
ties should be committed. 



xno^on^. 




■^^ 



^■/^'-^^rvvr^. 








^^1 



%^% 



^K-^ 



#-?' 



THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. 



About the same time two persons were sent express 
to Cambridge, if possible to gain intelligence of the 
motions of the troops and what route they took. 

The mihtia met according to order, and awaited the 
return of the messengers, that they might order their 
measures as occasion should require. Between three 
and four o'clock, one of the expresses returned, report- 
ing that there was no appearance of the troops on the 
roads, either from Cambridge or Charlestowh. It was 
supposed that the movements in the army the evening 
before were only a feint to alarm the people. 



No. 77] jLexington 259 

Thereupon therefore the mihtia .company were dis- 
missed for the present. But they had orders to be 
within call of the drum — waiting the return of the 
other messenger. He was expected in about an hour, 
or sooner, if any discovery should be made of the mo- 
tions of the troops. 

He was prevented by their silent and sudden arrival 
at the place where he was waiting for intelligence. 
So that after all this precaution, we had no notice of 
their approach until the brigade was actually in the 
town, and upon a quick march within about a mile of 
the meeting house and place of parade. 

However the commanding officer thought best to 
call the company together. He had no intention of 
opposing so superior a force, much less of com- 
mencing hostilities. It was done only with a view to 
determine what to do, when and where to meet, and 
to dismiss and disperse. 

Accordingly, about half after four o'clock alarm 
guns were fired, and the drums beat to arms ; and 
the mihtia were collected together. Some, to the 
number of fifty or sixty, or possibly more, were on the 
parade, others were coming towards it. In the mean- 
time the troops, having thus stolen a march upon us, 
and to prevent any intelHgence of their approach, 
seized and held prisoners several persons whom they 
met unarmed upon the road. 

They seemed to come determined for murder and 
bloodshed ; and that whether provoked to it or not ! — 
When within about half a quarter of a mile of the 
meeting house, they halted. The command was given 
to prime and load. This being done they marched on 
until they came up to the east end of the meeting 
house in sight of our militia. 



26o 



In the Field 



[No. 77 



Captain John 
Pitcairn. 



Some au- 
thorities say 
that Pitcairn 
swore vio- 
lently. 

After going 
on miles 
farther to 
Concord, 
where there 
was another 
fight, the 
British re- 
treated to 
Boston, and 
never after- 
ward ven- 
tured out into 
the open 
country, 
away from 
the ships. 



Immediately upon their appearing so suddenly, and 
so nigh, Captain Parker who commanded the militia 
company, ordered the men to disperse and take care 
of themselves ; and not to fire. Upon this our men 
dispersed. But many of them not so speedily as they 
might have done, not having the most distant idea 
of such brutal barbarity and more than savage cruelty, 
from the troops of a British King as they immedi- 
ately experienced ! 

For no sooner did they come in sight of our com- 
pany, but one of them, supposed to be an officer of 
rank, was heard to say to his troops, ** Now we will 
have them ! " Upon which the troops shouted aloud, 
huzzaed, and rushed furiously towards our men. 

About the same time three officers advanced on 
horseback to the front of the body, and coming within 
five or six rods of the militia, one of them cried out, 
**Ye villains, ye rebels, disperse; disperse!" — or 
words to this effect. One of them (whether the same 
or not is not easily determined) said, " Lay down your 
arms ; why don't you lay down your arms ! " 

The second of these officers about this time fired a 
pistol towards the militia, as they were dispersing. 
The foremost, who was within a few yards of our 
men, brandished his sword and then pointed towards 
them. With a loud voice he said, '' Fire ! " — which 
was instantly followed by a discharge of arms from 
the troops. 

This was succeeded by a heavy and close fire upon 
our party, dispersing so long as any of them were 
within reach. — Eight were left dead upon the ground ! 
Ten were wounded. — The rest of the company, 
through divine goodness, were, by a miracle, pre- 
served unhurt in this murderous action ! 



No. 78] Capture of Boston 261 



78. The Capture of Boston 

By George Washington (1776) 

As some account of the late manoeuvres of both 
armies may not be unacceptable, I shall, hurried as I 
always am, devote a little time to it. Having received 
a small supply of powder, very inadequate to our 
wants, I resolved to take possession of Dorchester 
Point, lying east of Boston, looking directly into it, 
and commanding the enemy's lines on Boston Neck. 
To do this, which I knew would force the enemy to 
an engagement, or subject them to be enfiladed by 
our cannon, it was necessary, in the first instance, to 
possess two heights (those mentioned in General Bur- 
goyne's letter to Lord Stanley, in his account of the 
battle of Bunker's Hill), which had the entire com- 
mand of the point. 

Inasmuch as the ground at this point was frozen 
upwards of two feet deep, and as impenetrable as a 
rock, nothing could be attempted with earth. We 
were obliged, therefore, to provide an amazing quan- 
tity of chandeliers and fascines for the work ; and, 
on the night of the 4th, after a previous severe can- 
nonade and bombardment for three nights together, 
to divert the enemy's attention from our real design, 
we removed our material to the spot, under cover of 
darkness, and took full possession of those heights, 
without the loss of a single man. 

Upon their discovery of the works next morning, 
great preparations were made for attacking them ; 
but not being ready before the afternoon, and the 
weather getting very tempestuous, much blood was 
saved, and a very important blow, to one side or the 



From a letter 
from Wash- 
ington to his 
brother, John 
Augustine. 



Enfilade = to 
fire length- 
wise along 
the lines of 
an army. 



Fascines = 
bundles of 
sticks. 




GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



No. 78] Capture of Boston 263 

other, was prevented. That this most remarkable 
interposition of Providence is for some wise purpose, 
I have not a doubt. But, as the principal design of 
the manoeuvre was to draw the enemy to an engage- 
ment under disadvantages to them, as a premeditated 
plan was laid for this purpose, and seemed to be suc- 
ceeding to my utmost wish, and as no men seem better 
disposed to make the appeal than ours did upon that 
occasion, I can scarcely forbear lamenting the disap- 
pointment, unless the dispute is drawing to an accom- 
modation, and the sword going to be sheathed. 

The enemy thinking, as we have since learnt, that 
we had got too securely posted, before the second 
morning, to be much hurt by them, and apprehending 
great annoyance from our new works, resolved upon 
a retreat, and accordingly on the 17th embarked in as 
much hurry, precipitation, and confusion, as ever 
troops did, not taking time to fit their transports, but 
leaving the King's property in Boston, to the amount, 
as is supposed, of thirty or forty thousand pounds in 
provisions and stores. 

Many pieces of cannon, some mortars, and a num- 
ber of shot and shells are also left ; and baggage- 
wagons and artillery-carts, which they have been 
eighteen months preparing to take the field with, 
were found destroyed, thrown into the docks, and 
drifted upon every shore. In short, Dunbar's de- 
struction of stores after General Braddock's defeat, 
which made so much noise, affords but a faint idea of 
what was to be met with here. 

The enemy lay from the 17th to the 27th in Nan- 
tasket and King's Roads, about nine miles from Boston, 
to take in water from the islands thereabouts, and to 
prepare themselves for sea. Whither they are now 



264 



In the Field 



[No. 78 



The tories. 
Many of the 
best men in 
Massachu- 
setts took the 
loyahst side. 



bound, and where their tents will be next pitched, I 
know not; but, as New York and Hudson's River 
are the most important objects they can have in view, 
as the latter secures the communication with Canada, 
at the same time that it separates the northern and 
southern colonies, and the former is thought to abound 
in disaffected persons, who only wait a favorable 
opportunity and support to declare themselves openly, 
it becomes equally important for us to prevent their 
gaining possession of these advantages ; and, there- 
fore, as soon as they embarked, I detached a brigade 
of six regiments to that government, and, when they 
sailed, another brigade composed of the same number ; 
and to-morrow another brigade of five regiments will 
march. In a day or two more, I shall follow myself, 
and be in New York ready to receive all but the first. 

The enemy left all their works standing in Boston 
and on Bunker's Hill ; and formidable they are. The 
town has shared a much better fate than was expected, 
the damage done to the houses being nothing equal to 
report. But the inhabitants have suffered a good deal, 
in being plundered by the soldiery at their departure. 
All those who took upon themselves the style and 
title of government-men in Boston, in short, all those 
who have acted an unfriendly part in the great con- 
test, have shipped themselves off in the same hurry, 
but under still greater disadvantages than the King's 
troops, being obliged to man their own vessels, as 
seamen enough could not be had for the King's trans- 
ports, and submit to every hardship that can be con- 
ceived. One or two have done, what a great number 
ought to have done long ago, committed suicide. 

By all accounts, there never existed a more miserable 
set of beings, than these wretched creatures now are. 



No. 78] Capture of Boston 265 

Taught to believe that the power of Great Britain was 
superior to all opposition, and, if not, that foreign aid 
was at hand, they were even higher and more insulting 
in their opposition than the regulars. When the order 
issued, therefore, for embarking the troops in Boston, 
no electric shock, no sudden explosion of thunder, in 
a word, not the last trump could have struck them 




iii/m/iif/iKiiff i/m/'m,., ., , - - 

i 



CANNON FROM THE REVOLUTION. 

with greater consternation. They were at their wits' 
end, and, conscious of their black ingratitude, they 
chose to commit themselves, in the manner I have 
above described, to the mercy of the waves at a tem- 
pestuous season, rather than meet their offended 
country-men. 

I believe I may with great truth affirm, that no man 
perhaps since the first institution of armies ever com- 
manded one under more difficult circumstances, than 
I have done. Many of my difficulties and distresses 



2 66 In the Field [N0.79 

were of so peculiar a cast, that, in order to conceal 
them from the enemy, I was obliged to conceal them 
from my friends, and indeed from my own army, 
thereby subjecting my conduct to interpretations 
unfavorable to my character, especially by those at a 
distance, who could not in the smallest degree be 
acquainted with the springs that governed it. 



79. A Soldier's Song 

(1776) 

Come, ye valiant Sons of Thunder, 
Crush to death your haughty foes ; 

Burst their slavish bands asunder, 
Till no Tory dare oppose. 

Haughty tyrants fain would rule us, 

With an absolute control ; 
But they never thus shall fool us. 

Cries the brave, the martial soul. 

'Tis for right we are contending, — 

Children, sweethearts, wives, and friends ; 

And our holy faith defending 
From delusion, which impends. 

O the happy scene before us ! 
Happy, who in battle dies ! 
See his spirit rise victorious, — 
Angels guard it through the skies. 

Happy, living, — happy, dying — 

If we live, our rights we gain ; 
If we die, our souls, when flying. 
Fly from slavery, grief, and pain. 



No. 80] 



Nathan Hale 



267 



Now, my boys, we'll act like heroes, 
Order, right, and truth maintain, 

And convince these modern Neroes 
That we'll fight, nor fight in vain. 

So we shall regain our freedom 
And, in freedom, freely live ; 

Grant our alms to those, who need 'em, 
What is right we'll freely give. 



80. The Death of Nathan Hale 

(1776) 

The breezes went steadily thro' the tall pines, 
A saying " oh ! hu-ush ! " a saying '' oh ! hu-ush ! ' 

As stilly stole by a bold legion of horse. 

For Hale in the^bush, for Hale in the bush. 

''Keep still!" said the thrush as she nestled her 
young. 

In a nest by the road ; in a nest by the road. 
" For the tyrants are near, and with them appear. 

What bodes us no good, what bodes us no good." 

The brave captain heard it, and thought of his home, 
In a cot by the brook ; in a cot by the brook. 

With mother and sister and memories dear, 
He so gaily forsook ; he so gaily forsook. 

CooUng shades of the night were coming apace, 
The tattoo had beat ; the tattoo had beat. 

The noble one sprang from his dark lurking place, 
To make his retreat ; to make his retreat. 



Hale was a 
patriot spy, 
sent out by 
Washington, 
captured by 
the British, 
and hanged. 



2 68 In the Field [no.so 

He warily trod on the dry rustling leaves, 

As he pass'd thro' the wood ; as he pass'd thro' the 
wood ; 
And silently gain'd his rude launch on the shore, 
As she play'd with the flood; as she play'd with 
the flood. 

The guards of the camp, on that dark, dreary night, 
Had a murderous will ; had a murderous will. 

They took him and bore him afar from the shore, 
To a hut on the hill ; to a hut on the hill. 

No mother was there, nor a friend who could cheer, 
In that little stone cell ; in that little stone cell. 

But he trusted in love, from his father above. 

In his heart, all was well ; in his heart, all was well. 

An ominous owl with his solemn base voice, 
Sat moaning hard by ; sat moaning hard by. 

"The tyrant's proud minions most gladly rejoice. 
For he must soon die ; for he must soon die." 

The brave fellow told them, no thing he restrain'd, 

The cruel gen'ral ; the cruel gen'ral. 
His errand from camp, of the ends to be gain'd. 

And said that was all ; and said that was all. 

They took him and bound him and bore him away, 
Down the hill's grassy side ; down the hill's grassy 
side. 

'Twas there the base hirelings, in royal array, 
His cause did deride ; his cause did deride. 

Five minutes were given, short moments, no more. 
For him to repent ; for him to repent ; 

He pray'd for his mother, he ask'd not another, 
To Heaven he went ; to Heaven he went. 



No.8i] Under Fire 269 

The faith of a martyr, the tragedy shew'd, 

As he trod the last stage ; as he trod the last stage. 

And Britons will shudder at gallant Hale's blood, 
As his words do presage, as his words do presage. 

" Thou pale king of terrors, thou life's gloomy foe. 
Go frighten the slave, go frighten the slave ; 

Tell tyrants, to you, their allegiance they owe. 
No fears for the brave ; no fears for the brave." 



81. A Brisk Little Fight 

By Tench Tilghman (1776) 

Head Quarters, Newtown 2f^\ Decem''. 1776. 
Honored Sir 

I have the pleasure to inform you that I am safe This piece 
and well after a most successful enterprise against shows what 

c 1 r£ fighting in 

three regiments of Hessians consistmg of about fif- the field was 
teen hundred men lying in Trenton, which was nke during 
planned and executed under his Excellency's imme- ^J^^ ^^ 
diate command. Our party amounted to twenty-four 
hundred men, we crossed the river at McKonkeys 
ferry nine miles above Trenton, the night was exces- 
sively severe, both cold and snowy, which the men 
bore without the least murmur. 

We were so much delayed in crossing the river, 
that we did not reach Trenton till eight o'clock, when 
the division which the General headed in person, at- 
tacked the enemy's outpost. The other division which 
marched the lower road, attacked the advanced post 
at PhiUip Dickinson's, within a few minutes after we 
began ours. 



270 In the Field [no.si 

Both parties pushed on with so much rapidity, that 
the enemy had scarce time to form, our people ad- 
vanced up to the mouths of their field pieces, shot 
down their horses and brought off the cannon. About 
six hundred ran off upon the Bordentown Road the 
moment the attack began, the remainder finding 
themselves surrounded laid down their arms. 

We have taken thirty Officers and eight hundred 
and eighty-six privates among the former Colonel 
Rahls the Commandant, who is wounded. The Gen- 
eral left him and the other wounded officers upon their 
parole, under their own surgeons, and gave to all 
the privates their baggage. Our loss is only Captain 
Washington and his lieutenant slightly wounded and 
two privates killed and two wounded. 

If the ice had not prevented General Ewing from 
crossing at Trenton ferry, and Colonel Cadwalader 
from doing the same at Bristol, we should have fol- 
lowed the blow and driven every post below Trenton. 
The Hessians have laid all waste since the British 
troops went away, the inhabitants had all left the town 
and their houses were stripped and torn to pieces. 

The inhabitants about the country told us, that the 
British protections would not pass among the Hes- 
sians. I am informed that many people have of 
choice kept their effects in Philadelphia supposing if 
General Howe got possession that they would be safe. 
So they may be, if he only carries British troops with 
him, but you may depend it is not in his power, 
neither does he pretend to restrain the foreigners, I 
have just snatched time to scrawl these few lines by 
Colonel Baylor, who is going to Congress — 
I am your most dutiful and Affectionate Son 

Tench Tilghman. 



No. 8i] In Camp 271 

Head Quarters Newtown 29 Decern^ '^77^ 

Dear and Honored Sir 

Yours is this moment put into my hands but you 
would receive mine by Colonel Baylor giving you a 
full account of the affair at Trenton a little after you 
dispatched the messenger — We are just going over 
to Jersey again in pursuit of the remainder of the 
Hessian army who have left Bordentown — The Gen- 
eral waits while I write this much. My most affec- 
tionate love to my sisters. 

I am your most dutiful Son 
Tench Tilghman. 



Head Quarters Morris Town nth Jan^. 1777. 
Honored Sir. 

It generally happens that when an opportunity to 
send to Philadelphia offers, my time is taken up with 
the public dispatches. Since our lucky stroke upon 
the enemy's rear at Princetown, they have evacuated Princeton, 
all their posts in New Jersey except Amboy and ^'J* 
Brunswick where they are shut up almost destitute 
of provisions, fuel and forage. 

Depending upon the whole province of New Jersey 
for supplies this winter, they had estabHshed no gen- 
eral magazine, but ordered small ones to be laid up in 
and about the several Towns; all these have fallen 
into our hands. We found most of the mills on the 
Raritan full of flour, laid up for the British Commis- 
saries. 

There is no good blood between the English and 
foreigners ; the former tax the latter with negligence 
in the loss of Trenton, which they say is the cause of 
their misfortunes. 



272 



In the Field 



[No. 82 



I received a parcel of hard money from you for 
Racket's son; but as most of the prisoners taken at 
Fort Washington are sent out, I think it Hkely that 
Racket may be among them ; if so, sending in the 
money would probably be to lose it. I will therefore 
keep it till I hear more of the matter. Whenever 
you write to or see my sisters remember me most 
affectionately to them. 

I am most dutifully and Affectionately Yours 

Tench Tilghman. 



The bold 
lady who 
wrote this 
and the next 
piece was tlie 
wife of a gen- 
eral who 
commanded 
some of the 
Hessian 
troops in 
Burgoyne's 
invasion of 
1777. She 
insisted on 
going with 
her husband 
and taking 
her children 
along. 



82. A German Lady's Campaign 

By Madame Riedesel (1777) 

When the army broke up, on the nth of Septem- 
ber, 1777, I was at first told that I must remain be- 
hind ; but on my repeated entreaties, and as other 
ladies had been permitted to follow the army, the 
same indulgence was extended to me. 

We advanced by short journeys, and went through 
many toils ; yet I would have purchased at any price 
the privilege thus granted to me of seeing daily my 
husband. I had sent back my baggage, and only 
kept a small bundle of summer dresses. 

In the beginning all went well, we thought that 
there was little doubt of our being successful, and of 
reaching "the promised land," and when on the pas- 
sage across the Hudson, general Burgoyne exclaimed, 
'* Britons never retrograde," our spirits rose mightily^ 

I observed, however, with surprise, that the wives 
of the officers were beforehand informed of all the 
military plans; and I was so much the more struck 



No. 82] Madame Riedesel 273 

with it, as I remembered with how much secrecy all in Germany 
dispositions were made in the armies of Duke Ferdi- (^756-1763)- 
nand, during the seven-years' war. 

Thus the Americans anticipated all our move- 
ments, and expected us wherever we arrived : and 
this of course injured our affairs. 

For our farther march, I had caused a calash to Caiash, a 

be made for me, in which I could take, not only mv ^!"^^ ^^"^" 

•' •' dian car- 
children, but also my two female attendants : and thus riage. 

I followed the army in the midst of the troops, who 

were in great spirits, and sang and longed for victory. 

We marched through endless forests, and a beauti- 
ful district, though deserted by the inhabitants, who 
ran away at our approach, to reinforce General Gates' 
army. They are naturally soldiers, and excellent 
marksmen, and the idea of fighting for their country 
and their liberty, increased their innate courage. 

My husband was encamped with the rest of the 
army : being myself about an hour's ride behind the 
army, I went every morning to pay him a visit in 
the camp, and sometimes I dined there with him, but 
generally he took his dinner in my quarters. 

But all at once, on the 7th of October, he marched 
away with the whole staff, and then our misfortunes 
began. While breakfasting with my husband, I heard 
that something was under contemplation. General 
Fraser, and, I believe. Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, 
were to dine with me on that day. 

I remarked much movement in the camp. My 
husband told me that it was a mere reconnoissance ; 
and as this was frequent, I was not much alarmed at 
it. On my way homeward, I met a number of Indians 
armed with guns, and clad in their war dresses. 
I asked them where they were going, and they re- 



274 



In the Field 



[No. 82 



plied, "War, war"; by which they meant that they 
were about to fight. 

This made me very uneasy, and I had scarcely 
reached home, before I heard reports of guns ; and 







MADAME RIEDESEL. 



soon the fire became brisker, till at last the noise 
grew dreadful, upon which I was more dead than 
alive. About three o'clock in the afternoon, instead 
of guests whom I had expected to dine with me, I 
saw one of them, poor General Fraser, brought upon 
a hand-barrow, mortally wounded. 



No. 83] Madame Riedesel 275 

The table, which was already prepared for dinner, 
was immediately removed, and a bed placed in its 
stead for the general. I sat terrified and trembling 
in a corner. The noise grew more alarming, and I 
was in a continual agony and tremor, while think- 
ing that my husband might soon also be brought in, 
wounded like General Fraser. 

That poor general said to the surgeon, '' tell me the 
truth : is there no hope t " I heard often amid his 
groans, such words as these, " O bad ambition ! poor 
General Burgoyne ! poor Mistress Fraser." . . ! 

Orders had already been issued, that the army 
should break up immediately after the funeral, and 
our calashes were ready. I was unwilling to depart 
sooner. Major Harnage, though hardly able to walk 
a step, left his bed, that he might not remain in the 
hospital, upon which a flag of truce had been erected. 

When he saw me thus in the midst of danger, he 
put my children and female attendants into the vehi- 
cle, and told me that I had not a moment to lose. I 
begged to be permitted to remain a little longer. 
*' Do what you please," replied he; "but your chil- 
dren I must at least save." 



83. A Lady in Battle 

By Madame Riedesel (1777) 

About two o'clock, we heard a report of muskets 
and cannon, and there was much alarm and bustle 
among our troops. My husband sent me word that I 
should immediately retire into a house that was not 
far off. 



276 



In the Field LNo. 83 



I got into my calash with my children, and when 
we were near the house, I saw on the opposite bank 
of the Hudson, five or six men who aimed at us with 
guns. Without knowing what I did, I threw my chil- 
dren into the back part of the vehicle, and laid myself 
upon them. 

At the same moment the fellows fired, and broke 
the arm of a poor English soldier who stood behind 
us, and who, already wounded, sought a shelter. Soon 
after our arrival a terrible cannonade began. The 
fire was principally directed against the house, where 
we had hoped to find a refuge. 

This was probably because the enemy inferred from 
the great number of people who went towards it, that 
this was the headquarters of the generals. In reality 
none were there except women and crippled soldiers. 

We were at last obliged to descend into the cellar, 
where I laid myself in a corner near the door. My 
children put their heads upon my knees. An abomi- 
nable smell, the cries of the children, and my anguish 
of mind, did not permit me to close my eyes during 
the whole night. 

On the next morning the cannonade began anew, 
but in a different direction. On an inspection of our 
retreat, I discovered that there were three cellars, 
spacious and well vaulted. I suggested that one of 
them should be appropriated to the use of the officers, 
who were most severely wounded, the next to the 
females, and the third to all the rest of the company. 

We were just going down, when a new thunder of 
cannon threw us again into alarm. Many persons 
who had no right to enter threw themselves against 
the door. My children were already at the bottom of 
the staircase, and every one of us would probably have 



No. 83] Madame Riedesel 277 

been crushed to death, had I not put myself before 
the entrance and resisted the intruders. 

Eleven cannon-balls passed through the house, and 
made a tremendous noise. A poor soldier who was 
about to have a leg amputated, lost the other by one 
of these balls. All his comrades ran away at that 
moment, and when they returned, they found him in 
one corner of the room in the agonies of death. 

I was myself in the deepest distress, not so much 
on account of my own dangers as of those to which 
my husband was exposed. He however frequently 
sent me messages inquiring after my health. Major 
Harnage's wife, a Mrs. Reynell, the wife of the good 
lieutenant who had on the previous day shared his 
soup with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself 
were the only officers' wives at present with the army. 

We sat together, deploring our situation, when 
somebody entered. All my companions exchanged 
looks of deep sorrow, whispering at the same time to 
one another. I immediately suspected that my hus- 
band had been killed. I shrieked aloud, but was 
immediately told that nothing had happened to my 
husband. I was given to understand by a sidelong 
glance that the lieutenant had been killed. 

His wife was soon called out and found that the 
lieutenant was yet alive, though one of his arms had 
been shot off, near the shoulder, by a cannon-ball. 
We heard his groans and lamentations during the 
whole night : they were dreadfully reechoed through 
the vaulted cellars. In the morning he expired. 

My husband came to visit me during the night. 
This served to diminish my sadness and dejection in 
some degree. On the next morning, we thought of 
making our cellar a more convenient residence. 



278 



In the Field [no. 83 



Major Harnage and his wife, and Mrs. Reynell 
took possession of one corner, and transformed it into 
a kind of closet by means of a curtain. I was also to 
have a similar retreat ; but I preferred to remain near 
the door, that I might escape more easily in case of fire. 

I had straw put under my mattresses ; and on these 
I laid myself with my children, and my female ser- 
vants slept near us. Opposite to us were three 
officers, who, though wounded, were determined not 
to remain behind, if the army retreated. All three 
swore they would not depart without me, in case of a 
sudden retreat, and that each of them would take one 
of my children on his horse. 

One of my husband's horses was constantly in 
readiness for myself. He thought often of sending 
me to the American camp, to save me from danger. 
I declared that nothing would be more painful to me 
than to live on good terms with those with whom he 
was fighting. Upon this he consented that I should 
continue to follow the army. 

However the apprehension that he might have 
marched away, repeatedly intruded itself into my 
mind. I crept up the staircase more than once, to 
confirm or dispel my fears. When I saw our soldiers 
near their watch fires, I became more calm, and could 
even sleep. 

The danger in which my husband was, kept me 
constantly in the most unpleasant state of mind. I 
was the only one who had not lost her husband, or 
whose husband had not been wounded, and I asked 
myself very often, '' Is so much happiness reserved 
for me alone } " 

This reflection was so much the more natural, as he 
was day and night in the very jaws of death. He 



No. 84] 



A Sea Fight 



279 



never passed a whole night in his tent, but sat 
by the watch-fires. This alone considering the cold- 
ness and dampness of the ground might have been 
sufficient to have killed him. 

The want of water continuing to distress us, we 
were extremely glad to find a soldier's wife so cour- 
ageous as to fetch some water from the river. This 
was an occupation from which the boldest might have 
shrunk, as the Americans shot every one who ap- 
proached it. They told us afterwards that they 
spared her on account of her sex. At last the capit- 
ulation was talked of, and a cessation of hostilities 
took place. 



84. Cruise of the Fair American 

(1777) 

The twenty-second of August, 

Before the close of day. 
All hands on board of our privateer, 

We got her under weigh ; 
, We kept the Eastern shore along, 

For forty leagues or more. 
Then our departure took for sea, 

From the isle of Mauhegan shore. 

Bold Hawthorne was commander, 

A man of real worth, 
Old England's cruel tyranny 

Induced him to go forth ; 
She, with relentless fury. 

Was plundering all our coast. 
And thought, because her strength was great. 

Our glorious cause was lost. 



The poetry 

in this piece 
is not very 
good, but it 
is a spirited 
account of 
naval war- 
fare at that 
time. 



An ancestor 
of Nathaniel 
Hawthorne, 
the author. 



2 8o In the Field [N0.84 

Yet boast not, haughty Britons, 

Of power and dignity, 
By land thy conquering armies. 

Thy matchless strength at sea ; 
Since taught by numerous instances 

Americans can fight, 
With valor can equip their stand, 

Your armies put to flight. 

Now farewell to fair America, 

Farewell our friends and wives ; 
We trust in Heaven's peculiar care, 

For to protect their lives ; 
To prosper our intended cruise 

Upon the raging main. 
And to preserve our dearest friends 

Till we return again. 

The wind it being leading, 

It bore us on our way. 
As far unto the southward 

As the Gulf of Florida ; 
Where we fell in with a British ship. 

Bound homeward from the main ; 
We gave her two bow-chasers, 

And she returned the same. 

We hauled up our courses. 
And so prepared for fight ; 
I.e. lasted The contcst held four glasses, 

four hours. Until the dusk of night ; 

Then having sprung our main-mast. 

And had so large a sea, 
We dropped astern and left our chase 
Till the returning day. 



No. 84] 



A Sea Fight 



281 



Next morn we fished our main-mast, 

The ship still being nigh, 
All hands made for engaging 

Our chance once more to try ; 
But wind and sea being boisterous 

Our cannon would not bear, 
We thought it quite imprudent 

And so we left her there. 




A SEA FIGHT. 



We cruised to the eastward, 

Near the coast of Portugal, 
In longitude of twenty-seven 

We saw a lofty sail ; 
We gave her chase, and soon perceived 

She was a British snow 
Standing for fair America, 

With troops for General Howe. 



282 In the Field [no. 84 

Our captain did inspect her 

With glasses, and he said, 
"■ My boys, she means to fight us, 

But be you not afraid ; 
All hands repair to quarters. 

See everything is clear, 
We'll give her a broadside, my boys. 

As soon as she comes near." 

She was prepared with nettings. 

And her men were well secured. 
And bore directly for us. 

And put us close on board ; 
When the cannon roared like thunder. 

And the muskets fired amain. 
But soon we were along-side 

And grappled to her chain. 

And now the scene it altered, 

The cannon ceased to roar. 
We fought with swords and boarding-pikes 

One glass or something more. 
Till British pride and glory 

No longer dared to stay. 
But cut the Yankee grapplings, 

And quickly bore away. 

Our case was not so desperate 

As plainly might appear ; 
Yet sudden death did enter 

On board our privateer. 
Mahoney, Crew, and Clemmons, 

The valiant and the brave, 
Fell glorious in the contest, 

And met a watery grave. 



No. 85] ' Stony Point 283 

Ten other men were wounded 

Among our warlike crew, 
With them our noble captain, 

To whom all praise is due ; 
To him and all our officers 

Let's give a hearty cheer; 
Success to fair America 

And our good privateer. 



85. Capture of Stony Point 

By Henry Lee (1779) 

Stony Point, July 18, 1779, 

II o'clock at night. 

An official account of the enterprise on the night This capture, 
of the 15th must have reached Cons^ress. For your Perhaps the 

.^.TT-ii -1 n\o%\. daring 

satisfaction I furnish the particulars. deed of the 

Early on the morning of the 15th, I received orders Revolution, 
from General Wayne to join the light infantry with frafwaynr 
my corps. The General was so polite as to show me his nickname 
his disposition of attack, and as my station was the ^nth^n*^ 
post of intelligence, he also consulted with me on the Wayne." 
line of approach. 

The right column under the command of General 
Wayne took the route along the beach, crossed the 
morass up to their knees in mud and water, and 
moved on to the enemy's left. 

Colonel Butler commanded our left column, and 
made his way through the morass over the relic of 
the bridge, although the passage was very difficult 
and defended by a work twenty steps in it ; a feint 
was made in the centre ; my corps of infantry fol- 
lowed on the rear of the two columns as a reserve. 



284 



/// the Field [no. 85 



The troops rushed forward with a vigor hardly to 
be paralleled, and with a silence that would do honor 
to the first veterans on earth. General Wayne has 
gained immortal honor ; he received a slight wound, 
one proof that Providence had decreed him every 
honor in her gift. 

Every officer acquired fame in proportion to his 
opportunity. The storm was more rapid than can be 
conceived, and in fifteen minutes, the works were 
carried with the loss only of eleven killed on the spot, 
which every officer engaged reckoned would be pur- 
chased by the sacrifice of nothing less than every 
third man. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury led on the right, Major 
Stewart the left ; Captain Lawson and Lieutenant 
Gibbons, who commanded the vans of the columns, 
distinguished themselves by their valor and coolness. 

We captured the whole garrison excepting a few 
who got off in boats. One hundred of them were 
killed and wounded ; four hundred and forty-four 
inclusive of eighteen officers have marched towards 
Lancaster as prisoners. The humanity of the Amer- 
icans perhaps never was more conspicuous than on 
this occasion. 

Although from the repeated cruelties of the enemy 
exercised on our countrymen, known by all and felt 
by many, from the nature of assaults by storm and 
particularly in the dead of night, yet I can venture 
to affirm the moment a surrender was announced, the 
bayonet was laid aside. The British officers are can- 
did enough to declare their gratitude for the lenity 
of their treatment. May this fresh proof of the mag- 
nanimity of our soldiers tend to civilize our foe ; if 
it does not, it must and will be the last. 



No. 86] 



The Scrap is 



285 



Fifteen cannon, mortars, cohorns, howitzers, &c., 
were found in tlie fort, an abundance of military 
stores and a quantity of baggage. The most valu- 
able of these are safe, the rest are now burning. 
Some unfortunate accidents have prevented till too 
late the intended attack on Verplank's Point. Gen- 
eral Clinton is at hand, and we have evacuated Stony 
Point. 

I fear the consequences from this signal success The fort was 

will not be adequate to moderate expectations. It is relinquished 
111- -n 1 by Washing- 

probable it will be repossessed by the British, and of ton. 

course our old position will be reassumed, a position 

which affords neither pohcy nor comfort. 

To-morrow perhaps Clinton's intentions will begin 

to show themselves; should anything turn up and I 

should be among the fortunate, you may expect to 

hear from me, provided you assure me that my hasty 

incorrect epistles are not disagreeable. 



86. Capture of the Serapis 

By Robert Dale (1779) 

On the 23d of September, 1779, I was roused by 
an unusual noise upon deck. This induced me to go 
upon deck, when I found the men were swaying up 
the royal yards, preparatory to making sail for a large 
fleet under our lee. I asked the coasting pilot what 
fleet it was } He answered, "The Baltic Fleet, under 
convoy of the Serapis of 44 guns, and the Countess 
of Scarborough of 20 guns." 

A general chase then commenced by the Bon 
Homme Richard, the Vengeance, the Pallas, and the 



Dale was a 
lieutenant on 
the Bon 
Hovime 
Richard. 
The battle is 
one of the 
most notable 
in the Revo- 
lution, for it 
gave the 
Americans a 
great reputa- 
tion for its 
navy. 



2 86 In the Field [no. se 

Alliance ; the latter ship was then in sight, after a 
separation from the squadron of nearly three weeks; 
but that ship, as usual, disregarded the signals of the 
commodore. 

At seven p.m. it was evident that the Baltic fleet 
perceived we were in chase, from the signal of the 
Serapis to the merchantmen to stand in shore. At 
the same time, the Serapis and Countess of Scar- 
borough tacked ship and stood off shore, with the 
intention of drawing off our attention from the con- 
voy. 

At about eight, being within hail, the Serapis de- 
manded, ''What ship is that?" He was answered, 
" I can't hear what you say." Immediately after the 
Serapis hailed again, " What ship is that } Answer 
immediately, or I shall be under the necessity of firing 
into you." At this moment I received orders from 
Commodore Jones to commence the action with a 
broadside, which, indeed, appeared to be simultaneous 
on board both ships. Our position being to wind- 
ward of the Serapis, we passed ahead of her, and the 
Serapis coming up on our larboard quarter, the action 
commenced with the ships abreast of each other. 

The Serapis soon passed ahead of the Bon Homme 
Richard, and when he thought he had gained a dis- 
tance sufficient to go down athwart the forefoot to 
rake us, found he had not enough distance, and that 
the Bon Homme Richard would be aboard him, put 
his helm alee, which brought the two ships on a line. 
The Bon Homme Richard having headway, ran her 
bows into the stern of the Serapis. 

We had remained in this situation but a few min- 
utes, when we were again hailed by the Serapis ; 
"Has your ship struck?" To which Captain Jones 



No. 86] The Serapis 287 

answered, "I have not yet begun to fight." As we 
were unable to bring a single gun to bear upon the 
Serapis, our topsails were backed, while those of the 
Serapis filled, and the ships separated. 

The Serapis wore short round upon her heels, and 
her jib-boom ran into the mizzen-rigging of the Bon 
Homme Richard ; in this situation the ships were 
made fast together with a hawser, the bowsprit of the 
Serapis to the mizzen-mast of the Bon Homme Richard, 
and the action recommenced from the starboard sides 
of the two ships. 

With the view of separating the ships, the Serapis let 
go her anchor, which manoeuvre brought her head and 
the stern of the Bon Homme Richard to the wind, 
while the ships lay closely pressed against each other. 
A novelty in naval combats was now presented to many 
witnesses, but to few admirers. The rammers were 
run into the respective ships to enable the men to 
load, after the lower part of the Serapis had been 
blown away, to make room for running out their guns, 
and in this situation the ships remained until between 
10 and II o'clock p.m. when the engagement termi- 
nated by the surrender of the Serapis. 

From the commencement to the termination of the 
action there was not a man on board of the Bon 
Homme Richard ignorant of the superiority of the 
Serapis, both in weight of metal and in the qualities of 
the crews. Neither the consideration of the relative 
force of the ships, the fact of the blowing up of the 
gun-deck above them, by the bursting of two of the 
eighteen-pounders, nor the alarm that the ship was 
sinking, could depress the ardour or change the de- 
termination of the brave Captain Jones, his officers 
and men. Neither the repeated broadsides of the 



288 



In the Field 



[No. 86 



The Alliance, 
a consort of 
the Bon 
Homme 
Richard, is 
supposed to 
have been 
unsafe. 



Alliance, given with the view of sinking or disabling 
the Bon Homme Richard, the frequent necessity of 
suspending the combat to extinguish the flames, which 
several times were within a few inches of the pow- 
der magazine, nor the liberation, by the master-at- 
arms, of nearly five hundred prisoners, could change 
or weaken the purpose of the American commander. 

At the moment of the Hberation of the prisoners, 
one of them, a commander of a twenty gun ship, 
taken a few days before, passed through the ports on 
board the Serapis, and informed Captain Pearson, that 
if he would hold out only a little while longer, the ship 
alongside would either strike or sink, and that all the 
prisoners had been released to save their Hves. The 
combat was accordingly continued with renewed 
ardour by the Serapis. The fire from the tops of the 
Bon Homme Richard was conducted with so much 
skill and effect as to destroy ultimately every man 
who appeared upon the quarter-deck of the Serapis, 
and induced her commander to order the survivors 
to go below. 

Upon finding that the flag of the Serapis had been 
struck, I went to Captain Jones, and asked whether 
I might board the Serapis .'* to which he consented ; 
and, jumping upon the gunwale, I seized the main- 
brace pennant, and swung myself upon her quarter- 
deck. Midshipman Mayant followed with a party of 
men, and was immediately run through the thigh with 
a boarding-pike by some of the enemy stationed in 
the waist, who were not informed of the surrender 
of the ship. I found Captain Pearson standing on 
the leeward side of the quarter-deck, and addressing 
myself to him, said, *' Sir, I have orders to send you 
on board the ship alongside." 



No. 87] Major Andre 289 

The first lieutenant of the Serapis coming up at 
this moment, inquired of Captain Pearson whether 
the ship alongside had struck to him ? To which I 
replied, *' No sir, the contrary; he has struck to us." 
The lieutenant renewing his inquiry, " Have you 
struck, sir.? " was answered, "Yes, I have." 

The lieutenant replied, " I have nothing more to 
say," and was about to return below, when I informed 
him, he must accompany Captain Pearson on board 
the ship alongside. He said, " If you will permit me 
to go below, I will silence the firing of the lower-deck 
guns." This request was refused, and, with Captain 
Pearson, he was passed over to the deck of the Bon 
Homme Richard. Orders being sent below to cease 
firing, the engagement terminated, after a most obsti- 
nate contest of three hours and a half. 



87. The Execution of Andre 

By W^illiam Heath (1780) 

October 2d. — Major Andre is no more among the Andre was 
living. I have just witnessed his exit. It was a ^,?'^^^'^^\ 

• 1 r 1 1 • T-w 1 • officer who 

tragical scene 01 the deepest mterest. Durmg his came to bar- 
confinement and trial, he exhibited those proud and gam with 
elevated sensibilities which designate greatness and noidforthJ' 
dignity of mind. Not a murmur or a sigh ever es- surrender of 
caped him, and the civilities and attentions bestowed ^^est°Pohu 
on him were politely acknowledged. by treachery. 
Having left a mother and two sisters in Enp:land, Hewascap- 

, , , . o ' tured while 

he was heard to mention them in terms of the tender- returning, 
est affection, and in his letter to Sir Henry Chnton, ^"^ c°"- 
he recommends them to his particular attention. gpy^ 



290 



In the Field 



[No. 87 



The principal guard officer who was constantly in 
the room with the prisoner, relates that when the hour 
of his execution was announced to him in the morn- 
ing, he received it without emotion, and while all 
present were affected with silent gloom, he retained 
a firm countenance, with calmness and composure of 




JOHN ANDRfi. 

mind. Observing his servant enter the room in tears, 
he exclaimed, "leave me till you can show yourself 
more manly." 

His breakfast being sent to him from the table of 
General Washington, which had been done every day 
of his confinement, he partook of it as usual, and hav- 
ing shaved and dressed himself, he placed his hat on 
the table, and cheerfully said to the guard officers, 



No. 87] Major Andre 291 

** I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait on 
you." 

The fatal hour having arrived, a large detachment 
of troops was paraded, and an immense concourse of 
people assembled ; almost all our general and field 
officers, excepting his Excellency and his staff, were 
present on horseback; melancholy and gloom per- 
vaded all ranks, and the scene was affectingly awful. 
I was so near during the solemn march to the fatal 
spot, as to observe every movement, and share in 
every emotion which the sad scene was calculated to 
produce. 

Major Andre walked from the stone house, in which 
he had been confined, between two of our subaltern 
officers, arm in arm ; the eyes of the immense multi- 
tude were fixed on him, who, rising superior to the 
fears of death, appeared as if conscious of the dignity 
which he displayed. 

He betrayed no want of fortitude, but retained a 
complacent smile on his countenance, and politely 
bowed to several gentlemen whom he knew, which 
was respectfully returned. It was his earnest desire 
to be shot, as being the mode of death most fitting to 
the feelings of a military man, and he had indulged 
the hope that his request would be granted. 

At the moment, therefore, when suddenly he came 
in view of the gallows, he involuntarily started back- 
ward, and made a pause. ** Why this emotion. Sir," 
said an officer by his side } Instantly recovering his 
composure, he said, ** I am reconciled to my death, 
but I detest the mode." While waiting and standing 
near the gallows, I observed some degree of trepida- 
tion ; placing his foot on a stone, and rolHng it over 
and choking in his throat, as if attempting to swallow. 



292 In the Field [no. 87 

So soon, however, as he perceived that things were 
in readiness, he stepped quickly into the wagon, and 
at this moment he appeared to shrink, but instantly 
elevating his head with firmness, he said, ** It will be 
but a momentary pang," and he took from his pocket 
two white handkerchiefs; the provost marshal with 
one loosely pinioned his arms, and with the other, 
the victim, after taking off his hat and stock, band- 
aged his own eyes with perfect firmness, which melted 
the hearts, and moistened the cheeks, not only of his 
servant, but of the throng of spectators. 

When the rope was appended to the gallows, he 
sHpped the noose over his head and adjusted it to his 
neck, without the assistance of the awkward execu- 
tioner. Colonel Scammel now informed him that he 
had an opportunity to speak, if he desired it; he 
raised the handkerchief from his eyes and said, ** I 
pray you to bear me witness that I meet my fate like 
a brave man." 

The wagon being now removed from under him, 
he was suspended and instantly expired ; it proved 
indeed "but a momentary pang." He was dressed 
in his royal regimentals and boots, and his remains, 
in the same dress, were placed in an ordinary coffin, 
and interred at the foot of the gallows ; and the spot 
was consecrated by the tears of thousands. Thus died 
in the bloom of Hfe, the accomplished Major Andre, 
the pride of the royal army. 



No. 88] Dangers of War 293 

88. A Surprise 

By Timothy Dwight (1781) 

General Peleg Wadsworth was appointed to the This extract 
command in Camden, in the district of Maine. Gen- J^^g'^ of 
eral Wadsworth dismissed his troops, retaining six sudden 
soldiers only as his guard, and was making prepara- ^"^^^ ^^^ 
tions to depart from the place. during the 

A neighboring inhabitant communicated his situa- Revolution. 
tion to the British commander at Penobscot, and a 
party of twenty five soldiers commanded by Lieuten- 
ant Stockton, was sent to make him a prisoner. 
They embarked in a small schooner, and landing 
within four miles of the general's quarters, they were 
concealed at the house of one Snow, a Methodist 
preacher, professedly a friend to him, but really a 
traitor, till eleven o'clock in the evening, where they 
made their arrangements for the attack on the gen- 
eral's quarters. 

The party rushed suddenly on the sentinel, who 
gave the alarm and one of his comrades instantly 
opened the door of the kitchen, and the enemy were 
so near as to enter with the sentinel. The wife of the 
general, and her friend Miss Fenno, of Boston, were 
in the house at the time, and Mrs. Wadsworth es- 
caped from the room of her husband into that of 
Miss Fenno. 

The assailants soon became masters of the whole 
house, except the room where the general was, which 
was strongly barred, and they kept up a constant 
firing of musketry into the windows and doors 
except into those of the ladies' room. General Wads- 
worth was provided with a pair of pistols, a blunder- 



2 94 ^^ ^^^ Field [no. ss 

buss and a fusee, which he employed with great 
dexterity, being determined to defend himself to the 
last moment. 

With his pistols, which he discharged several times, 
he defended the windows of his room and a door 
which opened into the kitchen. His blunderbuss 
he snapped several times, but unfortunately it missed 
fire, he then seized his fusee, which he discharged 
on some who were breaking through one of the win- 
dows, and obliged them to flee. 

He next defended himself with his bayonet, till he 
received a ball through his left arm, when he surren- 
dered, which terminated the contest. The firing how- 
ever, did not cease from the kitchen till the general 
unbarred the door, when the soldiers rushed into the 
room, and one of them who had been badly wounded, 
pointing a musket at his breast, exclaimed with an 
oath, "you have taken my life and I will take yours." 

But Lieutenant Stockton turned the musket and 
saved his life. The commanding officer now ap- 
plauded the general for his admirable defence, and 
assisted in putting on his clothes, saying, " you see 
we are in a critical situation, you must excuse haste." 
Mrs. Wadsworth threw a blanket over him, and Miss 
Fenno applied a handkerchief closely round his 
wounded arm. In this condition, though much ex- 
hausted, he, with a wounded American soldier, was 
directed to march on foot, while two British wounded 
soldiers were mounted on a horse taken from the gen- 
eral's barn. They departed in great haste. 

When they had proceeded about a mile, they met 
at a small house, a number of people who had col- 
lected, and who inquired if they had taken General 
Wadsworth. They said no, and added, that they 



No. 88] Dangers of Capture 295 

must leave a wounded man in their care, and if they 
paid proper attention to him they should be compen- 
sated, but if not, they would burn down their house. 

General Wadsworth was now mounted on the horse 
behind the other wounded soldier, and was warned 
that his safety depended on his silence. Having 
crossed over a frozen mill pond about a mile in length, 
they were met by some of their party who had been 
left behind. 

At this place they found the British privateer 
which brought the party from the fort. When the 
captain was told that he must return there with the 
prisoner and the party, and saw some of his men 
wounded, became outrageous, and called the general 
a rebel, demanding how he dared to fire on the king's 
troops, and ordered him to help launch the boat or he 
would put his hanger through his body. 

The general replied that he was a prisoner, and 
badly wounded and could not assist in launching the 
boat. Lieutenant Stockton, on learning of this abu- 
sive treatment, in a manner honorable to himself, told 
the captain that the prisoner was a gentleman, had 
made a brave defence, and was to be treated accord- 
ingly, and added, that his conduct should be repre- 
sented to General Campbell. 

After this the captain treated the prisoner with 
great civility and afforded him every comfort in his 
power. General Wadsworth had left the ladies in the 
house, not a window of which escaped destruction. 
The doors were broken down and two of the rooms 
were set on fire, the floors covered with blood, and on 
one of them lay a brave old soldier dangerously 
wounded begging for death, that he might be released 
from misery. 



296 



In the Field [No. ss 



The anxiety and distress of Mrs. Wadsworth was 
inexpressible, and that of the general was greatly in- 
creased by the uncertainty in his mind respecting the 
fate of his little son, only five years old, who had 
been exposed to every danger by the firing into the 
house, but he had the happiness afterward to hear 
of his safety. 

When he arrived at the British post, the capture of 
General Wadsworth was soon announced and the 
shore thronged with spectators to see the man who, 
through the preceding year, had disappointed all the 
designs of the British in that quarter ; and loud shouts 
were heard from the rabble which covered the shore. 
But when he arrived at the fort and was conducted 
into the officers' guard room, he was treated with 
politeness. 

General Campbell, the commandant of the British 
garrison, sent his compliments to him and a surgeon 
to dress his wounds, assuring him that his situation 
should be made comfortable. The next morning. 
General Campbell invited him to breakfast, and at 
table paid him many compliments on the defence he 
had made, observing however, that he had exposed 
himself in a degree not perfectly justifiable. 

General Wadsworth replied, that from the manner 
of the attack he had no reason to suspect any design 
of taking him alive, and that he intended therefore to 
sell his life as dearly as possible. " But, Sir,' says 
General Campbell, ''I understand that the captain of 
the privateer treated you very ill ; I shall see that 
matter set right." 

He then informed the prisoner, that a room in the 
officers' barracks within the fort, was prepared for 
him, and that he should send his orderly sergeant 



No. 89] An Escape 297 

daily to attend him to breakfast and dinner at his 
table. General Wadsworth retired to his solitary 
apartment, and while his spirits were extremely de- 
pressed by a recollection of the past, and by his pres- 
ent situation, he received from General Campbell 
several books of amusement, and soon after a visit, 
kindly intended to cheer the spirits of the prisoner 
by conversation. 

Not long after, the officers of the party called, and 
among others the redoubtable captain of the privateer, 
who called to ask pardon for what had fallen from 
him when in a passion, adding, that it was not in his 
nature to treat a gentleman prisoner ill, that the un- 
expected disappointment of his cruise had thrown him 
off his guard, and he hoped that this would be 
deemed a sufficient apology. This General Wads- 
worth accepted. 



89. An Escape from Prison 

By Timothy Dwight (1781) 

About the same time, orders were received from 
the commanding general at New York, which were 
concealed from General Wadsworth, but he finally 
learned that he was not to be paroled nor exchanged, 
but was to be sent to England as a rebel of too 
much consequence to be at liberty. 

Not long afterwards Major Benjamin Burton, a 
brave and worthy man, who had served under Gen- 
eral Wadsworth the preceding summer, was taken 
and brought into the fort, and lodged in the same 
room with General Wadsworth. He had been in- 
formed that both himself and the general were to be 



298 



In the Field [No. 89 



wooden 
stakes 



sent, immediately after the return of a privateer now 
out on a cruise, either to New York or Halifax, and 
thence to England. 

The prisoners immediately resolved to make a 
desperate attempt to effect their escape. They 
were confined in a grated room in the officers' bar- 
racks within the fort. The walls of this fortress, ex- 
clusively of the depth of the ditch surrounding it, 
were twenty feet high, with fraising on the top, and 
Sharp chevaux de frise at the bottom. 

Two sentinels were always in the entry, and their 
door, the upper part of which was of glass, might be 
opened by these watchmen whenever they thought 
proper, and was actually opened at seasons of pe- 
culiar darkness and silence. At the exterior doors 
of the entries, sentinels were also stationed, as were 
others in the body of the fort, and at the quarters of 
General Campbell. 

At the guard house, a strong guard was daily 
mounted. Several sentinels were stationed on the 
walls of the fort, and a complete line occupied them 
by night. Outside the ditch, glacis and abattis, an- 
other complete set of soldiers patroled through the 
night. The gate of the fort was shut at sunset, and 
a guard was placed on or near the isthmus leading 
from the fort to the main land. 

The room in which they were confined was railed 
with boards. One of these they determined to cut off 
so as to make a hole large enough to pass through, 
and then to creep along till they should come to the 
next or middle entry ; and then lower themselves 
down into this entry by a blanket. If they should 
not be discovered, the passage to the walls of the fort 
was easy. 



No. 89] An Escape 299 

In the evening, after the sentinels had seen the 
prisoners retire to bed, General Wadsworth got up 
and standing in a chair attempted to cut with his 
knife the intended opening, but soon found it im- 
practicable. The next day by giving a soldier a 
dollar they procured a gimlet. 

With this instrument they proceeded cautiously and 
as silently as possible to perforate the board, and in 
order to conceal every appearance from their ser- 
vants and from the officers their visitors, they care- 
fully covered the gimlet holes with chewed bread. 
At the end of three weeks their labors were so far 
completed that it only remained to cut with a knife the 
parts which were left to hold the piece in its place. 

When their preparations were finished, they learned 
that the privateer in which they were to embark was 
daily expected. In the evening of the i8th of June, 
a very severe storm of rain, with great darkness and 
almost incessant lightning came on. This the pris- 
oners considered as the propitious moment. 

Having extinguished their Hghts, they began to cut 
the corners of the board, and in less than an hour the 
intended opening was completed. The noise which 
the operation occasioned was drowned by the rain 
falling on the roof. Major Burton first ascended to 
the ceiling, and pressed himself through the opening. 

General Wadsworth came next, put the corner of 
his blanket through the hole and made it fast by a 
strong wooden skewer, and then attempted to make 
his way through by standing on a chair below ; but it 
was with extreme difficulty that he at length effected 
it, and reached the middle entry. 

From this he passed through the door, which he 
found open, and made his way to the wall of the fort, 



300 In the Field [No.sq 

and had to encounter the greatest difficulty before he 
could ascend to the top. He had now to creep along 
the top of the fort between the sentry boxes at the 
very moment when the relief was shifting sentinels, 
but the falling of heavy rain kept the sentinels within 
their boxes, and favored his escape. 

He now fastened his blanket around a picket at 
the top, and he let himself down through the chevaux 
de frise to the ground, and in a manner astonishing 
to himself made his way into the open field. Here 
he was obliged to grope his way among rocks, stumps 
and brush in the darkness of night, till he reached 
the cove. Happily the tide had ebbed and enabled 
him to cross the water, about a mile in breadth and 
not more than three feet deep. About two o'clock 
in the morning General Wadsworth found himself 
a mile and a half from the fort, and he proceeded 
through a thick wood and brush to the Penobscot 
river; and after passing some distance along the 
shore, seven miles from the fort, to his unspeakable 
joy he saw his friend Burton advancing towards him. 

Major Burton had been obliged to encounter in 
his course equal difficulties with his companion, and 
such were the incredible perils, dangers and obstruc- 
tions, which they surmounted, that their escape may 
be considered almost miraculous. It was now neces- 
sary they should cross the Penobscot river, and very 
fortunately they discovered a canoe with oars on the 
shore suited to their purpose. 

While on the river they discovered a barge with 
a party of British from the fort in pursuit of them, 
but by taking an oblique course, and plying their 
oars to the utmost, they happily eluded the eyes of 
their pursuers and arrived safe on the western shore. 



No. go] On the Ocean 301 

After having wandered in the wilderness for several 
days and nights, exposed to extreme fatigue and cold, 
and with no other food than a little dry bread and 
meat, which they brought in their pockets from the 
fort, they reached the settlements on the river St. 
George, and no further difficulties attended their 
return to their respective families. 



90. Difficulties of Ocean Travel 

By John Trumbull (1780-1781) 

Two opportunities offered for going to America; johnTrum- 
one was on a small fast sailing merchant vessel, un- bui!, a gallant 
armed,^ and relying entirely upon her speed to avoid nectooffi- 
the British cruisers which she must expect to meet ; ^er, in this 
the other was the South Carolina, commanded by t'how'rn- 
Commodore Gillon, a frigate of the first class, too geroulitwas 
strong to fear anything less than a ship of the Hne. ^° ''''''' ^^^ 

I chose the Carolina. Several of us passengers ^d?s"the ^' 
went on board, and on the 12th of August, soon after danger of 
sunrise, the wind began to blow from the northwest, T^aiwayr 
directly on shore, with every appearance of a heavy the danger 
gale. The proper thing to have done, was to have "^'^^P'""^- 
run back into the Texel roads, but that we dared not 
do, lest the ship should be seized. We dared not run 
for the EngHsh channel, lest we should fall in with 
British cruisers of superior force. 

The gale soon increased to such a degree, that it 
would have been madness to remain at anchor on 
such a lee shore. The only thing which could be 
done, therefore, was to lay the ship's head to the 
northeast, and carry sail. A fog soon came on, so 



302 In the Field [N0.90 

thick that we could hardly see from stem to stern ; 
the gale increased to a very hurricane, and soon 
brought us to close-reefed topsails. The coast of 
Holland was under our lee, and we knew that we 
were running upon the very edge of the sands, which 
extend so far from the shore, that if the ship should 
touch, she must go to pieces before we could even see 
the land, and all hands must perish. We passed the 
morning in the deepest anxiety ; in the afternoon we 
discovered that we had started several of the bolts of 
the weather main-chain plates. This forced us to 
take in our close-reefed topsails, as the masts would 
no longer bear the strain of any sail aloft, and we 
were obliged to rely upon a reefed foresail. 

By this time, we knew that we must be not far from 
Heligoland, at the mouth of the Elbe, where the coast 
begins to trend to the northward, which increased the 
danger. At ten o'clock at night, a squall struck us 
heavier still than the gale, and threw our only sail 
aback; the ship became unmanageable, the officers 
lost their self-possession, and the crew all confidence 
in them, while for a few minutes all was confusion 
and dismay. 

Happily for us. Commodore Barney was among the 
passengers, (he had just escaped from Mill prison in 
England,) — hearing the increased tumult aloft, and 
feehng the ungoverned motion of the ship, he flew 
upon deck, saw the danger, assumed the command, 
the men obeyed, and he soon had her again under 
control. 

It was found that with the squall the wind had 
shifted several points, so that on the other tack we 
could lay a safe course to the westward, and thus re- 
lieve our mainmast. That our danger was imminent 



No. go] On the Ocean 303 

no one will doubt, when informed that on the follow- 
ing morning, the shore of the Texel Island was cov- 
ered with the wrecks of ships, which were afterwards 
ascertained to have been Swedish. 

Among them was a ship of seventy-four guns, con- 
voying twelve merchantmen — all were wrecked, and 
every soul on board perished. The figure-head of 
the ship-of-war, a yellow lion, the same as ours, was 
found upon the shore, and gave sad cause to our 
friends for believing, for some time, that the South 
Carohna had perished. 

When the gale subsided, we stood to the northward, 
made the Orkneys, then Shetland, and when off Faro 
encountered another gale, more furious, if possible, 
than that of the I2th, but we had now sea-room and 
deep water. In the night, however, the ship labored 
so heavily as to roll the shot out of her lockers. 

Several of us passengers had our cots slung in the 
great cabin, over the guns, which were forty-two 
pounders, and it was by no means a pleasant sight to 
see several dozens of these enormous shot rolhng 
from side to side of the ship, with the roar of thunder, 
and crushing all that stood in their way, whether fur- 
niture, trunks or chests, while we hung over them 
swinging in our hammocks. This difficulty was over- 
come, and the rolling of the shot stopped, by throw- 
ing the sailors' hammocks among them. 

Another danger was also apprehended — that some 
of the immense heavy guns might break loose. They 
were secured by running one of the cables outside, 
fore and aft, in front of the open port-holes, and pass- 
ing strong lashings around that ; by this addition to 
the usual ring-bolts, all was held safe until the gale 
was over. 



304 I^ the Field [no. 90 

We had now cleared the land of the British islands, 
and were off the west coast of Ireland, when it was 
thought to be necessary to examine into the state of 
our provisions and water. We were short ; conse- 
quently, instead of continuing our course for America, 
it was determined to bear away for Corunna in Spain, 
the nearest friendly port. 

We arrived in safety, in a few days. There we 
found the Cicero, of twenty guns and one hundred 
and twenty men, belonging to the house of Cabot in 
Beverly. She was to sail immediately for Bilboa, 
there to take on board a cargo, which was lying ready 
for her, and to sail for America. 

The usual time required to run from Corunna to 
Bilboa was two to three days. We were again un- 
fortunate ; the wind being dead a-head, we were 
twenty-one days in making the passage, and, as if 
Jonah himself had been among us, at the end of 
eighteen days, we fell in with a little fleet of Spanish 
coasters who told us that they had seen a ship and 
two brigs, which they believed to be British cruisers. 
At sunset we saw what appeared to be the force de- 
scribed, and about midnight found we were within 
hail. 

The Cicero ran close alongside of the ship, and 
hailed her in English — no answer ; in French — no 
answer. The men, who were at their guns, impatient 
of delay, did not wait for orders, but poured in her 
broadside ; the hostile squadron (as we supposed 
them) separated, and made all sail in different direc- 
tions, when a boat from the large ship came along- 
side with her captain, a Spaniard, who informed us 
that they were Spanish vessels from St. Sebastians, 
bound to the West Indies — that his ship was very 



No. 90] 



On the Ocean 



305 



much cut in her rigging, but happily, no Hves lost. 
He had mistaken us for British vessels, and was de- 
lighted to find his mistake. We apologized for ours, 
offered assistance, and we parted most amicably. 




DEBORAH SAMPSON. 



No accident befel, until the last day of our passage. 
We saw the land of America, (the Blue Hills of Mil- 
ton, near Boston,) in the afternoon of a beautiful day 
in January; at six o'clock, p.m., we laid the ship's 
head to the eastward, and stood off under easy sail 



3o6 



In the Field * [no.qo 



until midnight, when we hove about, and stood in to 
the westward, under the same sail. We expected to 
find ourselves at sunrise, at about the same distance 
from the land, and all was joy and merriment on 
board, at the near approach of home. 

One honest old tar was happily on the lookout, and 
at three o'clock sung out from the forecastle, "break- 
ers ! breakers ! close under our bow, and right 
ahead ! " He was just in time ; the crew, though 
merry, were obedient, and flew upon deck in time to 
escape the danger. 

We found we were close upon the rocks of Cape 
Ann. We must have been drifted by a very strong 
current, for our course had been careful, and could 
never have brought the ship there. Before noon, we 
were safe in the port of Beverly, where we found 
eleven other ships, all larger and finer vessels than 
the Cicero — all belonging to the same owners, the 
brothers Cabot — laid up for the winter. 

Yet such are the vicissitudes of war and the ele- 
ments, that before the close of the year they were all 
lost by capture or wreck, and the house of Cabot had 
not a single ship afloat upon the ocean. In the even- 
ing, after we got into port, a snow storm came on, 
with a heavy gale from the eastward. The roads 
were so completely blocked up with snow, that they 
were impassable, and we did not get up to Boston 
until the third day ; but I was at last safe on Ameri- 
can land, and most truly thankful. 



No. 91] Yorktown 307 

91. The Siege of Yorktown 

By a Chaplain (1781) 

September 22d, 1781. ^^ — 

To-day some of the troops arrived. General The British 
Washington arrived from the French fleet. The Ji^^ taken 

, , . Charleston 

vessel he came m ran aground. (s.c.) and 

Sunday, 23d. General Lincoln returned to-day ^'^^" 

from the mouth of the river, having been down to northward, 

supply the troops with provisions. His vessel ran but were 

aground, and he was in great danger. I went to at^Y^rklwn 

Williamsburgh and preached to the light infantry bytheAmeri- 

commanded by the Marquis De la Fayette. can troops on 

J ^ J one side and 

28th. This day we marched to a place which is the French 
about two miles from the town of York. ^^^* °" ^^^ 

1 /-w 1 1 • 1-11 other side. 

29th. Our troops lay on their arms last night and 
expected an attack from the enemy ; but they did not 
disturb us. This day the whole army approached 
the enemy's lines. A cannonade from the enemy 
took place, but we received very little injury. 

October 2d. The firing of the enemy has con- 
tinued all day, in order to annoy our men who are 
working on a redoubt. No men have been killed 
to-day in the American camp. 

3d. This day the firing from the enemy abated. 
Last night four men were killed in our camp by one 
cannon ball by the enemy. 

5th. Preparations are making to besiege the enemy 
with great vigor. Our troops vie with each other in 
the performance of duty and the love of danger. 

9th. This day an American battery of six guns, 
eighteen and twenty four pounders, and four mortars 
began to play on the town. 



3o8 



In the Field [no. 91 



loth. Last night the cannonade and bombard- 
ment did not cease. A second American battery is 
opened, and a French battery increases the horrors 
of war. The British batteries are mostly silent. 

nth. A cannonade and bombardment continued 
through the greater part of last night. All day the 
engines of war have raged with redoubled fury. Two 
of the enemy's ships were burned last night; one 
to-day. They were fired by red-hot shot from a bat- 
tery under the direction of Simon de St. Simon. I 
have heard of no man being killed to-day. 

1 2th. The French have this day played upon the 
enemy from seven batteries. The horrors of war 
must have been very evident to our enemies. 

13th. Last night the firing of the enemy was very 
constant and severe. 

Sunday, 14th. No cessation of firing last night. 
This day Captain White and four soldiers were killed, 
and ten wounded in our trenches. 

15th. Last night an attack was made on two 
redoubts of the enemy. They were both carried in 
the most gallant and enterprising manner. 

The American light infantry, under the Marquis De 
La Fayette, in storming the redoubt had about eight 
killed and but four wounded. None of the enemy 
were put to death after they asked for mercy. This 
is an evidence of the generosity and humanity which 
dwell in the breasts of Americans, when they have 
a cruel and unmerciful enemy in their power. 

17th. This day we opened some batteries on the 
second parallel, and are almost prepared to cannon- 
ade and bombard the town with seventy pieces of 
ordnance. The cannonade of to-day has been pre- 
vented by the arrival of a flag from the enemy. 



No. 91] Tor kt own 309 

They request a cessation of arms for twenty four 
hours ; also desire to know upon what conditions the 
garrison may expect to surrender. General Wash- 
ington informed them what terms he would give 
them. He has allowed them only two hours to con- 
sider them and to give an answer. 

Four years ago to-day Burgoyne and his whole 
army surrendered to the United States. That signal 
instance of the smiles of heaven, and what we now 
have in prospect, should make us very thankful to 
Almighty God. 

1 8th. This day the enemy have agreed to sur- 
render themselves prisoners of war to the combined 
arms of France and America. Hallelujah ! 

19th. This day the enemy marched out of their 
works and laid down their arms. Some French and 
American troops have taken possession of the town. 

20th. What an alteration do we find ! The fields 
and plains, which so lately were the theatres of death 
and carnage, are now places of safety, and peace ! 



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